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Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia

2011-06-13T22:55:00.000-07:00

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Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia grants the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King of Malaysia) responsibility for “safeguard[ing] the special position of the ‘Malays’(see note) and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak and the legitimate interests of other communities” and goes on to specify ways to do this, such as establishing quotas for entry into the civil service, public scholarships and public education.
Article 153 is one of the most controversial articles in the Malaysian constitution. Critics consider it to create an unnecessary and racialist distinction between Malaysians of different ethnic backgrounds, because it has led to the implementation of affirmative action policies which benefit only the Bumiputra, who comprise a majority of the population. Technically, discussing the repeal of Article 153 is illegal[1]—even in Parliament, although it was drafted as a temporary provision to the Constitution. Despite this prohibition on discussion, the article is heatedly debated both privately and publicly among Malaysians. Opposition groups, especially the Democratic Action Party[citation needed], are often against the implementation of the article although ostensibly maintaining support for it. Nevertheless, the article is viewed as a sensitive matter by many, with politicians who are in favour or oppose it often being labelled as racist.
The article is primarily seen as a continuation of previous laws made by the British to protect the indigenous peoples from being overwhelmed by the immigration of Chinese and Indian workers into Malaya. In the years after independence in 1957, the Chinese and Indians were generally rich urban dwellers, whilst the Bumiputra were mostly poor farmers or manual labourers.
The first clause of the article provides that the government should act "in accordance with the provisions of this Article".
Contents
[hide]
• 1 Origins
• 2 Controversy
o 2.1 Early debate
o 2.2 Racial rioting
o 2.3 Additional affirmative action
o 2.4 Meritocracy
o 2.5 Present opposition
• 3 Article 153 in Diagrams
• 4 Full text of Article 153
• 5 Notes and references

[edit] Origins
The Constitution was drafted on the basis of a report from the Reid Commission. The commission, which had been formed to lay the groundwork for a Constitution in the run-up to Malaysia's pending independence, released the report in 1957 as the Report of the Federation of Malaya Constitutional Commission 1957 or The Reid Commission Report.[2] In the report, the Reid Commission stated that "provision should be made in the Constitution for the 'safeguarding of the special position of the Malays and the legitimate interests of the other Communities'." However, the Commission "found it difficult [...] to reconcile the terms of reference if the protection of the special position of the Malays signified the granting of special privileges, permanently, to one community only and not to the others."[citation needed]
The Reid Commission reported that Tunku Abdul Rahman and the Malay Rulers had asked that "in an independent Malaya all nationals should be accorded equal rights, privileges and opportunities and there must not be discrimination on grounds of race and creed." At that time, Tunku Abdul Rahman was the leader of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which led the Alliance coalition. Eventually the Alliance would become the Barisan Nasional and Tunku Abdul Rahman later became the first Prime Minister of Malaysia. When succeeding to the UMNO Presidency, Tunku had expressed doubts about the loyalty of the non-Malays to Malaya, and as a result, insisted that this be settled before they be granted citizenship. However, he also stated that "For those who love and feel they owe undivided loyalty to this country, we will welcome them as Malayans. They must truly be Malayans, and they will have the same rights and privileges as the Malays."[3]
The Commission found the existing privileges accorded to the Malays included the allocation of extensive Malay land reservations. In addition, the Commission discovered quotas for admission to the public services with a general rule that "not more than one-quarter of new entrants [to a particular service] should be non-Malays." Operation quotas existed in regard to the issuing of permits or licences for the operation of certain businesses "chiefly concerned with road haulage and passenger vehicles for hire." In addition, there existed "scholarships, bursaries and other forms of aid for educational purpose" where preference was given to Malays.[citation needed]
Although the Commission reported it did not find opposition to the continuance of the existing privileges for a certain length of time, it stated that "there was great opposition in some quarters to any increase of the present preferences and to their being continued for any prolonged period." The Commission recommended that the existing privileges should be continued as the "Malays would be at a serious and unfair disadvantage compared with other communities if they were suddenly withdrawn." However, "in due course the present preferences should be reduced and should ultimately cease." The Commission suggested that these provisions be revisited in 15 years, and that a report should be presented to the appropriate legislature (currently the Parliament of Malaysia) and that the "legislature should then determine either to retain or to reduce any quota or to discontinue it entirely."[citation needed]
Originally there was no reference made to other indigenous peoples of Malaysia (then Malaya) such as the Orang Asli, but with the union of Malaya with Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak in 1963, the Constitution was amended so as to provide similar privileges for the indigenous peoples of East Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak), grouping them with the Malays as Bumiputra.
The scope of Article 153 is limited by Article 136, which requires that civil servants be treated impartially regardless of race.
[edit] Controversy
Although the Bumiputra have always been the largest racial segment of the Malaysian population (about 65%), their economic position has always tended to be precarious. As late as 1970, 13 years after the drafting of the constitution, they controlled only 4% of the economy, with much of the rest being held by Chinese and foreign interests. As a result, the Reid Commission had recommended the drafting of Article 153 to address this economic imbalance.
But there continued to exist substantial political opposition to the economic reforms designed to aid the Malays. Some contended that Article 153 appeared to unduly privilege the Bumiputra as a higher class of Malaysian citizenry. Many Chinese and Indians also felt unfairly treated since some of them had been there for generations - since the mid-19th century - and yet until the late 1950s, they still had not been awarded Malaysian citizenship. However, a majority of the Malays during that time believed that the Chinese and the Indians came to Malaya for economic purposes only, working at plantations and mines.
In the 1970s, substantial economic reforms were enacted to address the economic imbalance. In the 1980s and 1990s, more affirmative action was also implemented to create a Malay class of entrepreneurs. Public opposition to such policies appeared to wither away after the rioting of May 1969, with parties running on a platform of reducing Bumiputra privileges losing ground in Parliamentary elections. However, in the first decade of the 21st century, debate was revived when several government politicians made controversial statements on the nature of Malay privileges as set out by Article 153.
[edit] Early debate
The article has been a source of controversy since the early days of Malaysia. In particular, it was not entirely clear if Article 153 was predicated on the Malays' economic status at the time, or if it was meant to recognise Bumiputra as a special class of citizens. Some took the latter view, like Singaporean politician Lee Kuan Yew of the People's Action Party (PAP), who publicly questioned the need for Article 153 in Parliament, and called for a "Malaysian Malaysia". In a speech, Lee bemoaned what would later be described as the Malaysian social contract:
"According to history, Malays began to migrate to Malaysia in noticeable numbers only about 700 years ago. Of the 39% Malays in Malaysia today, about one-third are comparatively new immigrants like the secretary-general of UMNO, Dato' Syed Ja'afar Albar, who came to Malaya from Indonesia just before the war at the age of more than thirty. Therefore it is wrong and illogical for a particular racial group to think that they are more justified to be called Malaysians and that the others can become Malaysian only through their favour."[4]
Lee also criticised the government's policies by stating that "[t]hey, the Malay, have the right as Malaysian citizens to go up to the level of training and education that the more competitive societies, the non-Malay society, has produced. That is what must be done, isn't it? Not to feed them with this obscurantist doctrine that all they have got to do is to get Malay rights for the few special Malays and their problem has been resolved."[5] He also lamented "Malaysia—to whom does it belong? To Malaysians. But who are Malaysians? I hope I am, Mr Speaker, Sir. But sometimes, sitting in this chamber, I doubt whether I am allowed to be a Malaysian."[citation needed]
Lee's statements upset many, especially politicians from the Alliance. Then Finance Minister Tan Siew Sin called Lee the "greatest, disruptive force in the entire history of Malaysia and Malaya."[6] The Tunku considered Lee to be too extremist in his views, while other UMNO politicians thought Lee was simply taking advantage of the situation to pander to the Chinese Malaysians.[7] PAP-UMNO relations were chilled further when UMNO officials publicly backed the opposition Singapore Alliance Party in Singapore's 1963 general election and PAP responded in turn by fielding several candidates in the Malaysian federal elections in 1964. These acts were seen by each party as challenges of the other's authority in their respective domains, and in violation of previous agreements made by the PAP and UMNO before merger not to contest each other's elections until Malaysia had matured enough.[8] The tension led to the 1964 racial riots in Singapore that killed 36 people. Eventually, the Tunku decided to ask Singapore, through Lee and some of his closest confidantes, to secede from Malaysia. Eventually, Lee (reluctantly) agreed to do so, and Singapore became an independent nation in 1965, with Lee as its first Prime Minister.[citation needed] The Constitution of Singapore contains an article, Article 152, that names the Malays as "indigenous people" of Singapore and therefore requiring special safeguarding of their rights and privileges as such. However, the article specifies no policies for such safeguarding.
[edit] Racial rioting
On 13 May 1969, a few days after the 10 May general election, a race riot broke out. In the preceding election, parties like the Democratic Action Party (DAP, formerly the Malaysian branch of the PAP) and Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia, which opposed special Bumiputra privileges, had made substantial gains, coming close to defeating the Alliance and forming a new government. The largely Chinese opposition Democratic Action Party and Gerakan later secured a police permit for a victory parade through a fixed route in Kuala Lumpur, the capital city of Malaysia. However, the rowdy procession deviated from its route and headed through the Malay district of Kampung Baru, jeering at the inhabitants. While the Gerakan party issued an apology the next day, UMNO announced a counter-procession starting from the head of Selangor state Dato' Harun bin Idris on Jalan Raja Muda. Reportedly, the gathering crowd was informed that Malays on their way to the procession had been attacked by Chinese in Setapak, several miles to the north. The angry protestors swiftly wreaked revenge by killing two passing Chinese motorcyclists, and the riot began. The official death toll was approximately 200, although some would later estimate it to be as high as 2000. The riot was later attributed to the underlying discontent among Malays due to poverty.[9]
UMNO Parliamentary backbencher Mahathir Mohamad soon became the face of a movement against the Tunku, arguing that he had been too accommodative towards the non-Malays. In a letter to the Prime Minister, demanding his resignation, Mahathir argued that the Tunku had given the Chinese "too much face" and that the responsibility for the deaths of the people in the riot rested squarely on the Tunku's shoulders. Mahathir was expelled from UMNO not long after, and Home Affairs Minister Ismail Abdul Rahman warned that "[t]hese ultras believe in the wild and fantastic theory of absolute dominion by one race over the other communities, regardless of the Constitution".[10]
The government suspended Parliament and the executive branch governed on its own through the National Operations Council (NOC) until 1971.[11][12] The NOC proposed amendments to the Sedition Act that made illegal the questioning of, among others, Article 153. These amendments were passed by Parliament as law when it reconvened in 1971.[13]
During the period of NOC governance, the Malaysian New Economic Policy (NEP) was implemented. The NEP aimed to eradicate poverty irrespective of race by expanding the economic pie so that the Chinese share of the economy would not be reduced in absolute terms but only relatively. The aim was for the Malays to have a 30% equity share of the economy, as opposed to the 4% they held in 1970. Foreigners and Chinese held much of the rest.[14] The NEP appeared to be derived from Article 153 and could be viewed as being in line with its wording. Although Article 153 would have been up for review in 1972, fifteen years after Malaysia's independence in 1957, due to the May 13 Incident it remained unreviewed. A new expiration date of 1991 for the NEP was set, twenty years after its implementation.[15]
[edit] Additional affirmative action

Under the terms of the affirmative action policies implemented in line with Article 153, Bumiputra are given discounts on real estate.
Mahathir, who had been a strong supporter of affirmative action for the Malays since the late 1960s, expounded upon his views in his book The Malay Dilemma while in political exile. The book argued that stronger measures were needed to improve the Malays' economic lot.[16] It also contended that the Malays were the "definitive" people and thus "rightful owners" of Malaysia, which also entitled them to their privileges.[17] Mahathir was rehabilitated under the second Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak, and was appointed as the Deputy of the third Prime Minister, Tun Hussein Onn. When Hussein Onn resigned, Mahathir became Prime Minister.[18]
During Mahathir's tenure as Prime Minister, the NEP, after its expiry, was replaced by the National Development Policy (NDP), that sought to create a Malay class of entrepreneurs and business tycoons.[15][19] However, allegations of corruption and nepotism plagued Mahathir's administration, and Mahathir's goal of creating a new class of Malay tycoons was criticised for ignoring the rural Malays, who comprised the majority of the Malay population.[20] Under Mahathir, quotas for entry into public universities were enforced, with some universities such as Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM) admitting only Bumiputra students.[21][22] In 1998, then Education Minister Najib Tun Razak (son of Tun Abdul Razak who implemented the NEP) stated that without quotas, only 5% of undergraduates in public universities would be Malays. Najib argued this justified the need for the continuance of quotas.[23]
These policies also mandate that publicly listed companies must set aside 30% of equity for Bumiputras; discounts that must be provided for automobile and real estate purchases; a set amount of lots set aside for Bumiputras in housing projects; companies submitting bids for government projects be Bumiputra-owned and that Approved Permits (APs) for importing automobiles be preferentially given to Bumiputras.[24] The equity in the publicly listed companies is disbursed by the Trade Ministry, and sold to selected Bumiputras at substantial discounts. However, the recipients frequently sell their stake in the companies immediately.[25] The policies continued the Bumiputra advantage in higher education. In practice, however, most of these privileges went to Malays, and non-Malay Bumiputras, like the Orang Asli or aboriginal peoples, did not appear to have benefited much from Article 153 or policies such as the NEP.[26]
[edit] Meritocracy
In 2003, Mahathir began stressing that Malays needed to abandon their "crutches," and implemented a policy of "meritocracy". However, this policy by and large streams Bumiputras into what is termed matriculation, as a prelude to university admission, whereby students take a course and later sit for a test set by the instructor. The non-Bumiputras generally sit for the Sijil Tinggi Pelajaran Malaysia (STPM) standardised examination in order to enter university. Although it is possible for non-Bumiputras to enter matriculation, and Bumiputras who prefer to take the STPM may do so, in practice, it is difficult for non-Bumiputras to gain entry into the matriculation stream.[27]
The meritocracy policy itself came in for criticism from both sides of the political divide, with some quarters of UMNO calling it "discrimination," leading to an "uneven playing field," and asked for the restoration of the quota system that set the ratio of Bumiputra to non-Bumiputra students in public institutions at 55 to 45.[28] Others, however, branded meritocracy as a sham due to its division of students into the two different streams.[29]
In 2003, Mahathir was succeeded by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who, like his predecessor, warned the Malays that overreliance on their privileges would be fatal. "A continuing reliance on crutches will further enfeeble [the nation], and we may eventually end up in wheelchairs."[30] However, within UMNO, some, such as Education Minister Hishamuddin bin Hussein - Hussein Onn's son, and UMNO Deputy Permanent Chairman Badruddin Amiruldin, appeared to disagree and in turn argued for the protection of Malay privileges.
In 2005, several Malays, led by Hishamuddin at the UMNO Annual General Meeting (AGM) argued that the 30% equity target of the NEP had yet to be met and called on the government to restore the NEP as the New National Agenda (NNA).[31] At the past year's AGM, Badruddin had warned questioning Article 153 and "Malay rights" would be akin to stirring up a hornet's nest, and declared, "Let no one from the other races ever question the rights of Malays on this land." The year before, UMNO Youth Information Chief Azmi Daim had also said, "In Malaysia, everybody knows that Malays are the masters of this land. We rule this country as provided for in the federal constitution. Any one who touches upon Malay affairs or criticizes Malays is [offending] our sensitivities."[32]
At the 2005 AGM, Hishamuddin brandished the traditional Malay dagger, the kris, while warning the non-Bumiputras not to attack Malay rights and "ketuanan Melayu" (translated variously as Malay supremacy or dominance).[33] His action was applauded by the UMNO delegates. Then Higher Education Minister Shafie Salleh also stated that he would ensure the amount of new Malay students admitted would always exceed the old quotas set, and that UiTM would remain an all-Bumiputra institution.[22]
[edit] Present opposition

Anwar Ibrahim has been critical of the New Economic Policy since his recent release from prison.
At present, the Bumiputra privileges both enshrined in Article 153 and as set out by other acts of law, remain in force. Many opposition parties including, the DAP and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), have pledged themselves to undoing the NEP. The DAP has argued that it does not have anything against the special position of Bumiputras as set out in Article 153, but seeks to undo the government's policies such as the NEP that they believe discriminate unfairly against the non-Bumiputras.[34] The PKR, which was founded to fight for the release of former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, who had been detained for charges of corruption and sodomy after he publicly opposed Mahathir's policies, also has criticised the NEP. After Anwar's release in 2004, he criticised the NEP as having failed the Malays and stated that he would seek its replacement by a more equitable policy.[35][36]
The NEP and other privileges accorded to the Bumiputras or Malays under Article 153 have been noted for not explicitly seeking to eradicate poverty among the Malays, but instead largely aiming to improve the Malays' overall share of the economy, even if this share is held by a small number of Malays.[37] However, the NEP has also been defended as having been largely successful in creating a Malay middle class and improving Malaysian standards of living without compromising the non-Bumiputra share of the economy in absolute terms; indeed, statistics indicate that the Chinese and Indian middle classes also grew under the NEP, albeit not as much as the Malays'. It has also been contended that the NEP defused racial tensions by eradicating the perception of the Chinese as the mercantile class and the perception of the Malays as mere farmers.[38]
Article 10 (4) of the Constitution permits Parliament to make it illegal to question, among others, Article 153 of the Constitution. Under the Sedition Act, questioning Article 153 is indeed illegal—even for Members of Parliament, who usually have the freedom to discuss anything without fear of external censure.[39] The government can also arbitrarily detain anyone it desires theoretically for sixty days, but in reality for an undetermined length of time, under the Internal Security Act (ISA). In 1987 under Operation Lalang (literally "weeding operation"), several leaders of the DAP, including Lim Kit Siang and Karpal Singh, were held under the ISA. It is widely believed this was due to their calling for the NEP and other Malay privileges to be reviewed.[40] Others have questioned the constitutionality of the NEP.[41]
In 2005, the issue of the Constitution and its provisions was also brought up by several politicians within the government itself. Lim Keng Yaik of the Gerakan party, which by now had joined Barisan Nasional, the ruling coalition, asked for a re-examination of the social contract so that a Bangsa Malaysia (literally 'Malaysian race' or 'Malaysian nation' in the Malay language) could be achieved.[42] The social contract is a term used to describe the Constitution's provisions with regard to the different races' privileges—those who defend it and Article 153 often define the social contract as providing the Indians and Chinese with citizenship in exchange for the Malays' special rights or ketuanan Melayu.
Lim was severely criticised by many Malay politicians, including Khairy Jamaluddin, the Prime Minister's son-in-law and Deputy Chairman of the UMNO Youth wing, and Ahmad Shabery Cheek, a prominent Malay Member of Parliament from the state of Terengganu. The Malay press, most of which is owned by UMNO, also ran articles condemning the questioning of the social contract.[43] Lim was adamant, asking in an interview "How do you expect non-Malays to pour their hearts and souls into the country, and to one day die for it if you keep harping on this? Flag-waving and singing the 'Negaraku' (the national anthem) are rituals, while true love for the nation lies in the heart."[42]
A year earlier, Abdullah had given a speech where he mentioned the most "significant aspect" of the social contract as "the agreement by the indigenous peoples to grant citizenship to the immigrant Chinese and Indians". Although Abdullah went on to state that the character of the nation changed to "one that Chinese and Indian citizens could also call their own,"[44] the speech went largely unremarked.
In the end, Lim stated that the Malay press had blown his comments out of proportion and misquoted him. The issue ended with UMNO Youth chief Hishamuddin Hussein warning people not to "bring up the issue again as it has been agreed upon, appreciated, understood and endorsed by the Constitution."[45]
[edit] Article 153 in Diagrams
The two diagrams below summarise the provisions of Article 153. The first shows how Article 153 deals with the special position of Malays and the natives of Sabah and Sarawak (collectively, "bumiputras") and the second shows how it deals with the legitimate interests of the other communities.

Diagram 1: Special Position of Bumiputras

Diagram 2: Legitimate Interests of Other Communities

[edit] Full text of Article 153

Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Constitution of Malaysia

1. It shall be the responsibility of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to safeguard the special position of the Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak and the legitimate interests of other communities in accordance with the provisions of this Article.
2. Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, but subject to the provisions of Article 40 and of this Article, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall exercise his functions under this Constitution and federal law in such manner as may be necessary to safeguard the special provision of the Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak and to ensure the reservation for Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak of such proportion as he may deem reasonable of positions in the public service (other than the public service of a State) and of scholarships, exhibitions and other similar educational or training privileges or special facilities given or accorded by the Federal Government and, when any permit or licence for the operation of any trade or business is required by federal law, then, subject to the provisions of that law and this Article, of such permits and licences.
3. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong may, in order to ensure in accordance with Clause (2) the reservation to Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak of positions in the public service and of scholarships, exhibitions and other educational or training privileges or special facilities, give such general directions as may be required for that purpose to any Commission to which Part X applies or to any authority charged with responsibility for the grant of such scholarships, exhibitions or other educational or training privileges or special facilities; and the Commission or authority shall duly comply with the directions.
4. In exercising his functions under this Constitution and federal law in accordance with Clauses (1) to (3) the Yang di-Pertuan Agong shall not deprive any person of any public office held by him or of the continuance of any scholarship, exhibition or other educational or training privileges or special facilities enjoyed by him.
5. This Article does not derogate from the provisions of Article 136.
6. Where by existing federal law a permit or licence is required for the operation of any trade or business the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may exercise his functions under that law in such manner, or give such general directions to any authority charged under that law with the grant of such permits or licences, as may be required to ensure the reservation of such proportion of such permits or licences for Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may deem reasonable, and the authority shall duly comply with the directions.
7. Nothing in this Article shall operate to deprive or authorise the deprivation of any person of any right, privilege, permit or licence accrued to or enjoyed or held by him or to authorised a refusal to renew to any person any such permit or licence or a refusal to grant to the heirs, successors or assigns of a person any permit or licence when the renewal or grant might reasonably be expected in the ordinary course of events.
8. Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, where by any federal law any permit or licence is required for the operation of any trade or business, that law may provide for the reservation of a proportion of such permits or licences for Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak; but no such law shall for the purpose of ensuring such a reservation-
o (a) deprive or authorise the deprivation of any person of any right, privilege, permit or licence accrued to or enjoyed or held by him;
o (b) authorise a refusal to renew to any person any such permit or licence or a refusal to grant to the heirs, successors or assigns of any person any permit or licence when the renewal or grant might in accordance with he other provisions of the law reasonably be expected in the ordinary course of events, or prevent any person from transferring together with his business any transferable licence to operate that business; or
o (c) where no permit or licence was previously required for the operation of the trade or business, authorise a refusal to grant a permit or licence to any person for the operation of any trade or business which immediately before the coming into force of the law he had been bona fide carrying on, or authorise a refusal subsequently to renew to any such person any permit or licence, or a refusal to grant to the heirs, successors or assigns of any such person any such permit or licence when the renewal or grant might in accordance with the other provisions of that law reasonably be expected in the ordinary course of events.
4. (8A) Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, where in any University, College and other educational institution providing education after Malaysian Certificate of Education or its equivalent, the number of places offered by the authority responsible for the management of the University, College or such educational institution to candidates for any course of study is less than the number of candidates qualified for such places, it shall be lawful for the Yang di-Pertuan Agong by virtue of this Article to give such directions to the authority as may be required to ensure the reservation of such proportion of such places for Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may deem reasonable, and the authority shall duly comply with the directions.
9. (9) Nothing in this Article shall empower Parliament to restrict business or trade solely for the purpose of reservations for Malays and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak.
0. (9A) In this Article the expression "natives" in relation to the State of Sabah or Sarawak shall have the meaning assigned to it in Article 161A.
10. The Constitution of the State of any Ruler may make provision corresponding (with the necessary modifications) to the provisions of this Article.
[edit] Notes and references
^ Terms used in Article 153 to categorize people (‘Malays’, ‘natives’) are defined in Articles 160 (English • Malay) and 161a (English • Malay). Perhaps unintuitively, only “a person who professes the religion of Islam” may be a ‘Malay’ (orang Melayu) in the sense of the constitution (for other contexts, see the article at Malays (ethnic group)). This restriction, if not those about “conform[ing] to Malay custom” and “habitually speak[ing] the Malay language”, would seem to affect many Orang Asli, a group defined in Article 160 but not mentioned in Article 153. The term bumiputera is neither used nor defined in the constitution.
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3. ^ Putra, Tunku Abdul Rahman (1986). Political Awakening, p. 31. Pelanduk Publications. ISBN 967-978-136-4.
4. ^ Ye, Lin-Sheng (2003). The Chinese Dilemma, p. 143. East West Publishing. ISBN 0-9751646-1-9.
5. ^ Lee, Kuan Yew (2000). The Singapore Story (abridged edition), pp. 327–328. Federal Publications.
6. ^ "'Impossible to co-operate with Singapore while Lee is Premier'". (2 June 1965). Straits Times.
7. ^ Khaw, Ambrose (1998)."This man is making too much noise". Retrieved 11 November 2005.
8. ^ Goh, Cheng Teik (1994). Malaysia: Beyond Communal Politics, pp. 36–37. Pelanduk Publications. ISBN 967-978-475-4.
9. ^ Means, Gordon P. (1991). Malaysian Politics: The Second Generation, p. 7, Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-588988-6.
10. ^ Means, pages 9, 10.
11. ^ Goh p. 19.
12. ^ Ye p. 183.
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15. ^ a b Ye p. 95.
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17. ^ Musa, M. Bakri (1999). The Malay Dilemma Revisited, p. 3. Merantau Publishers. ISBN 1-58348-367-5.
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19. ^ Ye p. 156.
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21. ^ Musa p. 181.
22. ^ a b Quek, Kim (4 December 2004). "Unveiling the truth of Malay 'Special Rights'". Malaysia Today.
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24. ^ Shari, Michael (29 July 2002). "Mahathir's Change of Heart? ". Business Week.
25. ^ Musa p. 187, 188.
26. ^ "History of South East Asia". Retrieved 13 December 2005.
27. ^ Yeoh, Oon (4 June 2004). "Meritocracy: The truth must be well told". The Sun.
28. ^ "Johor Umno Says Meritocracy A Form Of Discrimination". (9 July 2005). BERNAMA.
29. ^ Lim, Guan Eng (2004). "Will qualified non-bumi students be sacrificed by Shafie for his defeat in UMNO?". Retrieved 11 November 2005.
30. ^ Badawi, Abdullah Ahmad (2004). "Moving Forward — Towards Excellence". Retrieved 11 November 2005.
31. ^ Ooi, Jeff (2005). "The 30% solution". Retrieved 12 November 2005.
32. ^ Gatsiounis, Ioannis (2 October 2004). "Abdullah stirs a hornets' nest". Asia Times.
33. ^ Jalleh, Martin (9 January 2005). "UMNO: Maturity or mutation?". Malaysia Today.
34. ^ Liu, Ronnie Tian Khiew (10 December 2004). "UMNO should stop claiming Ketuanan Melayu". Malaysia Today.
35. ^ "Anwar: Time to suspend NEP". (28 October 2005). Malaysiakini.
36. ^ "Malaysia's Races Live Peacefully — But Separately". (28 August 2005). AFP.
37. ^ Bennet, Abang (2005). "UMNO: A threat to national prosperity". Retrieved 11 November 2005.
38. ^ Ye pp. 85, 92, 94, 156.
39. ^ Means, pp. 14, 15.
40. ^ Lim, Kit Siang (2005). "Hisham – gonna say sorry for UMNO Youth keris episodes?". Retrieved 11 November 2005.
41. ^ Kamarudin, Raja Petra (26 September 2005). "Article 153 of Malaysia's Federal Constitution". Malaysia Today.
42. ^ a b Ooi, Jeff (2005). "New controversy: Social Contract and Bangsa Malaysia". Retrieved 12 November 2005.
43. ^ Yusoff, Marzuki & Samah, Nazeri Nong (14 August 2005). "Kontrak sosial: Kenyataan Keng Yaik bercanggah Perlembagaan Persekutuan". Utusan Malaysia.
44. ^ Badawi, Abdullah Ahmad (2004). "The Challenges of Multireligious, Multiethnic and Multicultural Societies". Retrieved 12 November 2005.
45. ^ "Don't Raise Social Contract Issue, Umno Youth Chief Warns". (15 August 2005). BERNAMA.
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Article_153_of_the_Constitution_of_Malaysia"

The social contract in Malaysia refers to the agreement made by the country's founding fathers in the Constitution. The social contract usually refers to a quid pro quo trade-off through Articles 14–18 of the Constitution, pertaining to the granting of citizenship to the non-Bumiputera of Malaysia (particularly Malaysian Chinese and Indian), and Article 153, which grants the Malays special rights and privileges. The term has also been used occasionally to refer to other portions of the Constitution.
In its typical context related to race relations, the social contract has been heavily criticised by many, including politicians from the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, who contend that constant harping on the non-Malays' debt to the Malays for citizenship has alienated them from the country. Such criticisms have met with opposition from the Malay media and the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the largest political party in Barisan Nasional. Many Malays, typically from UMNO, have used the social contract to defend the principle of Ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy).
Contents
[hide]
• 1 33-page report of William Reid
• 2 Contractual terms
• 3 Early criticism
• 4 Present debate
• 5 See also
• 6 Notes and references
o 6.1 Other references
• 7 External links

[edit] 33-page report of William Reid
On 22 October 2010, Malaysian exiled popular blogger RPK (Raja Petra Kamarudin) revealed page by page of the 33-page document (a report by Lord Reid in year 1956 to Queen Elizabeth II) which he retrieved from the archiving library in England. RPK claimed that the Malaysian government has since distorting the content of Lord Reid's report into what is called the 'Social Contract of Malaysia'. [1]
[edit] Contractual terms
The Constitution does not explicitly refer to a "social contract" (in terms of citizenship rights and privileges), and no act of law or document has ever fully set out the social contract's terms. Its defenders often refer to the Constitution as setting out the social contract, and the Malaysian founding fathers having agreed to it, although no reference to a "social contract" appears in the Constitution. Instead, the social contract is typically taken to mean a quid pro quo agreement that provides the non-Malay and other non-indigenous peoples of Malaysia (mostly the Malaysian Chinese and Malaysian Indian) with citizenship, in return for their granting special privileges to the Malays and indigenous people of Malaysia, collectively referred to as the Bumiputra (sons of the soil).[1]
A higher education Malaysian studies textbook conforming to the government syllabus states: "Since the Malay leaders agreed to relax the conditions for citizenship, the leaders of the Chinese and Indian communities accepted the special position of the Malays as indigenous people of Malaya. With the establishment of Malaysia, the special position status was extended to include the indigenous communities of Sabah and Sarawak."[2]
Another description of the social contract declares it to be an agreement that "Malay entitlement to political and administrative authority should be accepted unchallenged, at least for the time being, in return for non-interference in Chinese control of the economy".[3]
The Constitution explicitly grants the Bumiputra reservations of land, quotas in the civil service, public scholarships and public education, quotas for trade licences, and the permission to monopolise certain industries if the government permits. In reality, however, especially after the advent of the Malaysian New Economic Policy (NEP) due to the racial riots of the May 13 Incident which occurred in 1969 when Malays held only 4% of the Malaysian economy, Bumiputra privileges have extended to other areas; quotas are set for Bumiputra equity in publicly traded corporations, and discounts for them on automobiles and real estate ranging from 5% to 15% are mandated.
The Constitution also included elements of Malay tradition as part of the Malaysian national identity. The Malay rulers were preserved, with the head of state, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, drawn from their ranks. Islam would be the national religion, and the Malay language would be the national language. These provisions, along with the economic privileges accorded by Article 153 of the Constitution, made up one half of the bargain, and have been referred to as the Malay Agenda. The nature of these provisions is disputed; although many Malays refer to them as "rights" – a term common in UMNO rhetoric – critics have argued that the Constitution never refers to special rights for the Malays:
“ There is no such thing as a racial "right" to be given special treatment. And that is not me being argumentative, it's the Constitution. You won't find "Malay rights" in the supreme law of our land, instead, you will find terms such as "special position" of Malays. The difference is more than semantics. A right implies something inalienable. A privilege on the other hand is a benefit, presumably given to those who need it. ”
Such critics have used this basis to argue that the social contract was meant "to protect the Malays from being overwhelmed economically, administratively and politically from the immigrant ethnic groups of the time", instead of granting particular special rights to the Malays.[4]
Some suggest that this bias towards Malays in education and politics is, in part, a response to the ability of the Malaysian Chinese to secure most of the country's wealth. The Indian Malaysians, as with the Indian Singaporeans, can make a case for being those that lose out the most, although this may be disputed.[citation needed]
The government did roll back the quota system for entry to public universities in 2003 and introduced a policy of "meritocracy". However, this new system was widely criticised by the non-Bumiputras as benefiting the Bumiputras by streaming them into a matriculation programme that featured relatively easy coursework while the non-Bumiputras were forced to sit for the Sijil Tinggi Persekolahan Malaysia (STPM, or Malaysia Higher School Certificate). Although in theory non-Bumiputras may enter the matriculation stream, and Bumiputras may sit for the STPM, this rarely occurs in reality. Meritocracy was also criticised by some quarters in UMNO as being discriminatory, as it caused the rural and less-prepared Malays to fall behind in university entrance rates.
The Reid Commission which prepared the framework for the Constitution stated in its report that Article 153, the backbone of the social contract, would be temporary only, and recommended that it be reviewed 15 years after independence. The Commission also said that the article and its provisions would only be necessary to avoid sudden unfair disadvantage to the Malays in competing with other members of Malaysian society, and that the privileges accorded the Malays by the article should be gradually reduced and eventually eliminated. Due to the May 13 Incident, after which a state of emergency was declared, however, 1972, the year that Article 153 was due to be reviewed, passed without incident.
According to the social contract's proponents, in return for the enactment of these originally temporary provisions, non-Malay Malaysians are accorded citizenship under Chapter 1 of Part III of the Constitution. Except for the Bumiputra privileges, non-Bumiputras are otherwise generally regarded as equal to their Bumiputra counterparts, and are accorded all the rights of citizenship as under Part II of the Constitution. In recent years, some have sought to provide Malay citizens with more political rights as per the ketuanan Melayu philosophy. However, most of these ketuanan Melayu proponents argue that their additional rights are already written as law and thus only seek to "defend" them from their opponents.
When he assumed the Presidency of UMNO, Tunku Abdul Rahman (later the first Prime Minister of Malaysia) stated that "...when we (the Malays) fought against the Malayan Union (which upset the position of the Malays' rights) the others took no part in it because they said this is purely a Malay concern, and not theirs. They also indicate that they owe their loyalty to their countries of origin, and for that reason they oppose the Barnes Report to make Malay the national language. If we were to hand over the Malays to these so-called Malayans when their nationality has not been defined there will be a lot of problems ahead of us." However, he continued that "For those who love and feel they owe undivided loyalty to this country, we will welcome them as Malayans. They must truly be Malayans, and they will have the same rights and privileges as the Malays." [5]
[edit] Early criticism
Article 153, and thus by extension the social contract, has been a source of controversy since the early days of Malaysia. Singaporean politician Lee Kuan Yew (later the first Prime Minister of Singapore) of the People's Action Party (PAP; its Malaysian branch would later become the Democratic Action Party or DAP) publicly questioned the need for Article 153 in Parliament, and called for a "Malaysian Malaysia". Questioning the social contract, Lee stated: "According to history, Malays began to migrate to Malaysia in noticeable numbers only about 700 years ago. Of the 39 percent Malays in Malaysia today, about one-third are comparatively new immigrants like the secretary-general of UMNO, Dato' Syed Ja'afar Albar, who came to Malaya from Indonesia just before the war at the age of more than thirty. Therefore it is wrong and illogical for a particular racial group to think that they are more justified to be called Malaysians and that the others can become Malaysian only through their favour."[6]
Lee criticised the government's policies by stating that "[t]hey, the Malay, have the right as Malaysian citizens to go up to the level of training and education that the more competitive societies, the non-Malay society, has produced. That is what must be done, isn't it? Not to feed them with this obscurantist doctrine that all they have got to do is to get Malay rights for the few special Malays and their problem has been resolved." [7] He also lamented, "Malaysia — to whom does it belong? To Malaysians. But who are Malaysians? I hope I am, Mr Speaker, Sir. But sometimes, sitting in this chamber, I doubt whether I am allowed to be a Malaysian."
Lee's statements upset many, especially politicians from the Alliance, Barisan Nasional's predecessor. Then Finance Minister Tan Siew Sin of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) called Lee the "greatest, disruptive force in the entire history of Malaysia and Malaya." Tunku Abdul Rahman, the first Prime Minister of Malaysia, considered Lee to be too extremist in his views, while other UMNO politicians thought Lee was simply taking advantage of the situation to pander to the Malaysian Chinese.
PAP-UMNO relations were chilled further by the PAP running several candidates in elections on the Malay peninsula, with UMNO retaliating by trying to run candidates on its ticket in Singapore. Eventually, the Tunku decided to kick Singapore out of Malaysia. Lee was seen crying in national television and Singapore became an independent nation in 1965. The Constitution of Singapore contains an article, Article 152, that names the Malays as "indigenous people" of Singapore and therefore requiring special safeguarding of their rights and privileges as such. However, the article specifies no policies for such safeguarding, and no reference to a "social contract" has ever been made by the political establishment in Singapore.
[edit] Present debate
In 2005, the social contract was brought up by Lim Keng Yaik of the Gerakan party in Barisan Nasional. Lim, a Minister in the government, asked for a re-examination of the social contract so that a "Bangsa Malaysia" (literally Malay for a Malaysian race or Malaysian nation) could be achieved. Lim was severely criticised by many Malay politicians, including Khairy Jamaluddin who is Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's son-in-law and Deputy Chairman of the UMNO Youth wing, and Ahmad Shabery Cheek, a prominent Malay Member of Parliament from the state of Terengganu. The Malay press (most of which is owned by UMNO) also ran articles condemning the questioning of the social contract. Lim was adamant, asking in an interview "How do you expect non-Malays to pour their hearts and souls into the country, and to one day die for it if you keep harping on this? Flag-waving and singing the Negaraku (the national anthem) are rituals, while true love for the nation lies in the heart."
A year earlier, Abdullah had given a speech where he mentioned the most "significant aspect" of the social contract as "the agreement by the indigenous peoples to grant citizenship to the immigrant Chinese and Indians". However, Abdullah went on to state that "the character of the nation" changed to "one that Chinese and Indian citizens could also call their own". However, the speech went largely unremarked.
In the end, Lim stated that the Malay press had blown his comments out of proportion and misquoted him. The issue ended with UMNO Youth chief and Education Minister Hishamuddin Hussein warning people not to "bring up the issue again as it has been agreed upon, appreciated, understood and endorsed by the Constitution."
Earlier that year, Hishamuddin had waved the keris (traditional Malay dagger) at the UMNO Annual General Meeting, warning non-Malays not to threaten "Malay rights" and to question the social contract. This was applauded by the UMNO delegates, but widely ridiculed in the Malaysian blogosphere.
Other politicians, mostly from opposition parties, have also criticised the NEP and its provisions, but refrained from directly criticising the social contract or Article 153 of the Constitution. Former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) promised he would roll back the NEP if he ever gained power, and many from the Democratic Action Party (DAP) have also spoken out against the NEP. They criticised the NEP as benefiting only a small portion of Malays, mostly well-connected and urban, while ignoring the rural and poor Malays, and noted that the NEP's avowed goal was to give the Malays a 30% share in the country's economic equity, regardless of whether only a few or many Malays held this share. The DAP has been particular in arguing it does not question Article 153 or the social contract, but merely seeks to abolish inequitable policies such as the NEP.
Article 10 (4) of the Constitution permits the government to ban the questioning of Article 153, and thus the social contract; indeed, the Sedition Act does illegalise such questioning. The Internal Security Act (ISA) also permits the government to detain anybody it desires for practically an infinite period of time, and many, including politicians from the DAP such as Lim Kit Siang and Karpal Singh have been held under the ISA; it is widely believed this was because of their vehement criticism of Malay privileges.
More recently, some commentators have remarked on younger Malaysians chafing at the terms of the social contract. One wrote that "half a century on, younger non-Malays especially feel they were not parties to deals and contracts (at the time of independence) and should not be beholden to them."[8] In 2006, several non-Malay parties in the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition called for a reexamination of the social contract; Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's refusal to do so reportedly triggered "much consternation". Abdullah was quoted in the Malay media as saying: "If we change this balance and if we are forced to meet all over again on the rights of every group, it will not be the same as now. It would be far from satisfactory. Whatever the new formula, it will not succeed because the old formula is enough, is already maximum. As everyone had agreed to this before, why do we want to disturb this and meet again?"[9]
That year, at the UMNO General Assembly, several delegates criticised other members of the government coalition for criticising the social contract and ketuanan Melayu. One stated that "If they question our rights, then we should question theirs. So far we have not heard the Malays questioning their right to citizenship when they came in droves from other countries."[10] Others argued that the Bumiputra communities continued to lag behind the rest of the country economically, and called for stronger measures in line with the social contract.[11] One delegate, Hashim Suboh, made headlines when he asked Hishammuddin, who had brandished the kris again, "Datuk Hisham has unsheathed his keris, waved his keris, kissed his keris. We want to ask Datuk Hisham when is he going to use it?" Hashim said that "force must be used against those who refused to abide by the social contract", provoking criticism from the DAP, which accused him of sedition.[12]
In response to what it termed "[t]he veiled threat of violence ... made explicit during last year's UMNO conference", The Economist criticised the social contract, calling it "absurd and unjust to tell the children of families that have lived in Malaysia for generations that, in effect, they are lucky not to be deported and will have to put up with second-class treatment for the rest of their lives, in the name of 'racial harmony'", and called policies based on the social contract "official racism".[13]
[edit] See also
• Indophobia
• Sinophobia
[edit] Notes and references
1. ^ Chow, Kum Hor (2007-08-25). "Keng Yaik against racial 'bullying'". The Straits Times. http://malaysia-today.net/blog2006/newsncom.php?itemid=7540.
2. ^ Shuid, Mahdi & Yunus, Mohd. Fauzi (2001). Malaysian Studies, p. 50. Longman. ISBN 983-74-2024-3.
3. ^ Abdullah, Asma & Pedersen, Paul B. (2003). Understanding Multicultural Malaysia, p. 59. Pearson Malaysia. ISBN 983-2639-21-2.
4. ^ Sharom, Azmi (Nov. 28, 2006). Fear-mongers drown out genuine issues. Malaysia Today.
5. ^ Putra, Tunku Abdul Rahman (1986). Political Awakening, p. 31. Pelanduk Publications. ISBN 967-978-135-6.
6. ^ Ye, Lin-Sheng (2003). The Chinese Dilemma, p. 43. East West Publishing. ISBN 0-9751646-1-9.
7. ^ Lee, Kuan Yew (2000). The Singapore Story, Abridged edition, pp. 327–328. Federal Publications.
8. ^ Arifin, Zainul (Nov. 15, 2006). Umno could look out for others, too. New Straits Times.
9. ^ Bose, Romen (Nov. 17, 2006). Racial tensions on rise in Malaysia. Al Jazeera.
10. ^ Ahmad, Reme (Nov. 17, 2006). Race tensions not worrying: Abdullah. Malaysia Today.
11. ^ Ahmad, Reme (Nov. 17, 2006). Race tensions not worrying: Abdullah. Straits Times.
12. ^ 'Hisham and his keris' remark shocks Karpal. (Nov. 18, 2006). Malaysiakini.
13. ^ "Tall buildings, narrow minds". The Economist. 2007-08-31. http://www.economist.com/opinion/displaystory.cfm?story_id=9724393.
[edit] Other references
• Adam, Ramlah binti, Samuri, Abdul Hakim bin & Fadzil, Muslimin bin (2004). Sejarah Tingkatan 3. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. ISBN 983-62-8285-8.
• "Anwar: Time to suspend NEP". (Oct. 28, 2005). Malaysiakini.
• Badawi, Abdullah Ahmad (2004). "The Challenges of Multireligious, Multiethnic and Multicultural Societies". Retrieved Nov. 12, 2005.
• "Don't Raise Social Contract Issue, Umno Youth Chief Warns". (Aug. 15, 2005). Bernama.
• Goh, Cheng Teik (1994). Malaysia: Beyond Communal Politics. Pelanduk Publications. ISBN 967-978-475-4.
• "'Impossible to co-operate with Singapore while Lee is Premier'". (June 2, 1965). Straits Times.
• "Johor Umno Says Meritocracy A Form Of Discrimination". (July 9, 2005). Bernama.
• Khaw, Ambrose (1998). "This man is making too much noise". Retrieved Nov. 11, 2005.
• Lim, Kit Siang (2002). "Liong Sik and Keng Yaik also suffer from the 'Mudah Lupa' syndrome, forgetting the clear and unequivocal calls by Tunku Abdul Rahman and Hussein Onn and MCA founding fathers not to turn Malaysia into an Islamic state". Retrieved Nov. 12, 2005.
• Lim, Kit Siang (2004). "2004 general election will be a critical test of the reaffirmation or abandonment of the 46-year Merdeka 'social contract' of Malaysia as a democratic, secular and multi-religious nation with Islam as the official religion but not an Islamic State". Retrieved Nov. 12, 2005.
• Musa, M. Bakri (1999). The Malay Dilemma Revisited. Merantau Publishers. ISBN 1-58348-367-5.
• Ooi, Jeff (2004). "Meritocracy: Naked Lies or Partial Truth?". Retrieved Nov. 11, 2005.
• Ooi, Jeff (2005). "The 30% solution". Retrieved Nov. 12, 2005.
• Ooi, Jeff (2005). "New controversy: Social Contract and Bangsa Malaysia". Retrieved Nov. 12, 2005.
• Ooi, Jeff (2005). "Perils of the sitting duck". Retrieved Nov. 11, 2005.
• Ooi, Jeff (2005). "Social Contract: 'Utusan got the context wrong'". Retrieved Nov. 11, 2005.
• Ye, Lin-Sheng (2003). The Chinese Dilemma. East West Publishing. ISBN 0-9751646-1-9.
• Yeoh, Oon (June 4, 2004). "Meritocracy: The truth must be well told". The Sun.
• Yusoff, Marzuki & Samah, Nazeri Nong (Aug. 14, 2005).

"Kontrak sosial: Kenyataan Keng Yaik bercanggah Perlembagaan Persekutuan". Utusan Malaysia.
Kontrak sosial di Malaysia merujuk kepada perjanjian oleh bapa-bapa kemerdekaan negara dalam Perlembagaan, dan merupakan penggantian beri-memberi atau quid pro quo melalui Perkara 14–18 yang berkenaan dengan pemberian kewarganegaraan Malaysia kepada orang-orang bukan Melayu, dan Perkara 153 yang memberikan hak istimewa rakyat kepada mereka daripada kaum bumiputera. Istilah ini juga kekadang digunakan untuk merujuk kepada bahagian-bahagian yang lain dalam Perlembagaan, seperti Perkara yang mengatakan bahawa Malaysia adalah sebuah negara sekular.
Dalam konteks biasa yang berkaitan dengan hubungan ras, kontrak sosial telah kerap kali dibidaskan, termasuk juga oleh ahli-ahli politik dalam kerajaan campuran Barisan Nasional yang menegaskan bahawa tidak habis-habis bercakap tentang hutang orang-orang bukan Melayu kepada orang-orang Melayu terhadap kewarganegaraan yang diberikan telah merenggangkan golongan-golongan bukan Melayu daripada negara mereka. Kritikan-kritikan seumpama ini telah ditentang oleh media Melayu dan Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu (UMNO), parti politik yang terbesar dalam Barisan Nasional. Banyak orang Melayu, biasanya daripada UMNO, telah mempergunakan kontrak sosial ini untuk mempertahankan prinsip Ketuanan Melayu.
Isi kandungan
[sorokkan]
• 1 Syarat-syarat kontrak
• 2 Kritikan awal
• 3 Penggunaan dalam konteks lain
• 4 Pelbagai bantahan
• 5 Subjek Kontrak Sosial
• 6 Nota dan rujukan
o 6.1 Rujukan lain
• 7 Pautan luar

[sunting] Syarat-syarat kontrak
Perlembagaan Malaysia tidak merujuk kepada sebuah "kontrak sosial" (dari segi hak kewarganegaraan dan hak istimewa) secara ketara, dan tidak terdapat sebarang undang-undang atau dokumen yang pernah menjelaskan syarat-syarat kontrak sosial secara penuh. Pembela-pembelanya sering merujuk kepada Perlembagaan sebagai mengemukakan kontrak sosial, dan bapa-bapa kemerdekaaan juga bersetuju dengannya, walaupun rujukan kepada kontrak sosial tidak dibuat dalam Perlembagaan. Sebaliknya, kontrak sosial biasanya dianggap sebagai suatu persetujuan yang memberikan kewarganegaraan kepada orang-orang bukan Melayu dan bukan orang asli (kebanyakannya orang Malaysia Cina dan Malaysia India) sebagai ganti untuk pemberian hak keistimewaan kepada orang-orang Melayu dan orang-orang asli (dirujuk secara kolektif sebagai Bumiputera). Sebuah buku teks kajian Malaysia pendidikan tinggi yang menepati sukatan pelajaran kerajaan mengatakan: "Oleh sebab pemimpin-pemimpin Melayu bersetuju untuk melonggarkan syarat-syarat kewarganegaraan, pemimpin-pemimpin komuniti Cina dan India telah menerima kedudukan istimewa Melayu sebagai penduduk asli Malaya. Dengan penubuhan Malaysia, status kedudukan istimewa itu diperluas untuk merangkumi komuniti-komuniti penduduk asli Sabah dan Sarawak." [1]
Perlembagaan secara ketara memberikan tanah rizab Bumiputera, kuota dalam perkhidmatan awam, biasiswa dan pendidikan awam, kuota untuk lesen perniagaan, dan kebenaran untuk memonopoli industri-industri yang tertentu, jika kerajaan membenarkan. Bagaimanapun pada hakikatnya, khususunya selepas pengenalan Dasar Ekonomi Baru Malaysia (NEP), akibat rusuhan kaum pada 13 Mei 1969 ketika kaum Melayu hanya memiliki 4% daripada ekonomi Malaysia, hak-hak istimewa Bumiputera diperluas kepada bidang-bidang yang lain; kuota-kuota ditentukan untuk ekuiti Bumiputera dalam perbadanan awam, dan diskaun-diskaun sebanyak 5% hingga 15% untuk membeli kereta dan harta tanah diberikan.
Setengah-setengah orang mengatakan bahawa kecondongan terhadap orang-orang Melayu dalam pendidikan dan politik sebahagiannya merupakan tindak balas terhadap keupayaan orang-orang Malaysia Cina untuk memperoleh kebanyakan kekayaan negara itu. Bagaimanapaun, orang-orang Malaysia India boleh mengemukakan hujah bahawa merekalah yang mengalami kerugian yang paling banyak, walaupun ini boleh dipertikaikan.
Kerajaan ada mengundurkan sistem kuota untuk kemasukan ke universiti-universiti awam pada 2003 dan memperkenalkan dasar "meritokrasi". Bagaimanapun, sistem baru ini dikritik secara meluas oleh orang-orang bukan Bumiputera kerana hanya memanfaatkan kaum Bumiputera yang ditempatkan dalam rancangan matrikulasi yang menonjolkan kerja kursus yang agak mudah sedangkan orang-orang bukan Bumiputera terpaksa mengambil Sijil Tinggi Persekolahan Malaysia (STPM). Walaupun secara teori, orang-orang bukan Bumiputra boleh masuk aliran matrikulasi, ini jarang berlaku pada hakikatnya. Meritokrasi juga dikritik oleh sebilangan pihak dalam UMNO sebagai berdiskriminasi kerana ia mengakibatkan orang-orang Melayu luar bandar terkebelakang dalam kadar kemasukan universiti.
Suruhanjaya Reid yang menyediakan kerangka Perlembagaan menyatakan dalam laporannya bahawa Perkara 153, tulang belakang kontrak sosial, adalah bersifat sementara, dan menyesyorkan bahawa ia dikaji semula 15 tahun selepas kemerdekaan. Suruhanjaya juga menyatakan bahawa perkara itu dan peruntukan-peruntukannya hanya diperlukan untuk mengelakkan keadaan tiba-tiba yang tidak menguntungkan kepada orang-orang Melayu dalam persaingan dengan ahli-ahli masyarakat Malaysia yang lain, dan hak-hak istimewa yang diberikan kepada orang-orang Melayu oleh perkara itu harus dikurangkan secara beransur-ansur dan akhirnya dihapuskan. Bagaimanapun, disebabkan Peristiwa 13 Mei yang menyebabkan pengisytiharan darurat, tahun 1972 yang merupakan tahun kajian semula Perkara 153 berlangsung tanpa sebarang peristiwa.
Menurut penyokong-penyokong kontrak sosial, sebagai balasan untuk enakmen peruntukan-peruntukan yang pada asalnya bersifat sementara, orang-orang Malaysia bukan Melayu diberikan kewarganegaraan di bawah Bab I Bahagian III dalam Perlembagaan. Perlu diingatkan bahawa hak-hak istimewa orang-orang bukan Bumiputera juga telah diberikan apabila negara mendapat kemerdekaan, antaranya penubuhan sekolah-sekolah vernakular seperti sekolah cina dan tamil. Hak-hak ini juga bersifat sementara apabila di dalam Perlembagaan, iaiya mesti dimansuhkan 10 tahun selepas merdeka. Walaubagaimanapun, ianya sudah termaktub di dalam Akta Pelajaran 1996 bilamana kewujudan sekolah-sekolah vernakular dibenarkan untuk diteruskan.
Justeru, kecuali hak-haki istimewa Bumiputera, orang-orang bukan Bumiputera dianggap sebagai sama saja dengan orang-orang Bumiputera dan diberikan semua hak kewarganegaraan di bawah Bahagian II dalam Perlembagaan. Pada tahun-tahun kebelakangan ini, sebilangan orang telah mencuba untuk membekalkan warganegara-warganegara Melayu dengan lebih banyak hak politik menurut falsafah ketuanan Melayu. Kebanyakan penyokong ketuanan Melayu memperdebatkan bahawa hak-hak tambahan ini telah ditulis dalam undang-undang dan hanya perlu dipertahankan daripada pembangkang-pembangkang.
Apabila mengambil alih jawatan presiden UMNO, Tunku Abdul Rahman (kemudian menjadi Perdana Menteri Malaysia pertama) menyatakan bahawa "...apabila kami (orang-orang Melayu) menentang Malayan Union (yang menjejaskan kedudukan hak-hak orang Melayu), kaum-kaum lain tidak mengambil bahagian kerana mereka mengatakan ini hanya merupakan masalah Melayu, dan bukan masalah mereka. Mereka juga menunjukkan bahawa kesetiaan mereka adalah kepada negara-negara asal mereka dan oleh itu, menentang Laporan Barnes yang bertujuan untuk menjadikan bahasa Melayu menjadi bahasa kebangsaan. Jika kami menyerahkan orang-orang Melayu kepada orang-orang yang dikatakan orang Malaya ketika kerakyatan mereka masih belum ditakrifkan, kami akan menghadapi banyak masalah pada masa hadapan." Bagaimanapun, dia menambah bahawa "Bagai mereka yang mencintai dan berasi bahawa mereka terhutang kesetiaan yang tidak berbelah bagi, kami menyambut mereka sebagai orang Malaya. Mereka harus merupakan orang Malaya yang benar, dan mereka akan mempunyai hak-hak dan hak-hak istimewa yang sama dengan orang-orang Melayu." [2]
[sunting] Kritikan awal
Artikel 153, dan diterangkan oleh kontrak sosial, telah merupakan satu sumber kontoversi semenjak hari-hari mula bagi Malaysia. Ahli politik Singapura, Lee Kuan Yew (kemudian menjadi Perdana Menteri Singapura) Parti Tindakan Rakyat (PAP; cawangannya di Malaysia kemudiannya menjadi Parti Tindakan Demokratik atau DAP) secara umumnya mempersoalkan keperluan Artikel 153 dalam Parliamen, dan menyeru satu "Malaysian Malaysia". Mempersoalkan kontrak sosial , Lee telah menyatakan: "Merujuk kepada sejarah, orang Melayu telah mula untuk berhijrah ke Malaysia dalam bilangan yang banyak hanya kira-kira 700 tahun yang lalu. Dalam 39 peratus orang Melayu di Malaysia hari ini, kira-kira sepertiga secara perbandingan hanya imigran seperti setiausaha agung UMNO, Dato' Syed Ja'afar Albar, yang datang ke Malaya dari Indonesia sebelum perang ketika berumur lebih tiga puluh tahun.
Namun begitu kita juga perlu sedar bahawa penghijrahan orang melayu adalah dari Gugusan Kepulauan Melayu (Tanah Melayu,Indonesia,Brunei,Filipina,Singapura dan Thailand) ketika itu yang mempunyai agama, bahasa dan adat yang seakan sama seperti orang melayu di tanah melayu. Justeru perkara ini tidak boleh dipertikaikan berbanding kaum lain seperti cina dan india yang dibawa oleh penjajah ketika itu datang dari negara China dan negara India yang mempunyai agama,bahasa dan adat yang jauh berbeza.

[sunting] Penggunaan dalam konteks lain
Kontrak sosial kadangkala digunakan untuk merujuk kepada konteks yang tidak melibatkan hubungan kaum. Dalam pilihanraya umum Malaysia 2004, DAP bertanding atas dasar untuk mempertahankan "kontrak sosial" dengan menentang teokrasi Islam, yang dilarang oleh Perlembagaan, tetapi disokong oleh bekas Perdama Menteri,Mahathir bin Mohamad, Lim Keng Yaik dan PAS, parti politik Melayu yang kedua terbesar dalam negara.
[sunting] Pelbagai bantahan
Menteri Tenaga, Air dan Komunikasi Datuk Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik yang juga Presiden Gerakan dilaporkan meminta supaya formula itu diketepikan kerana ia membuatkan kaum Cina dan India 'kecil hati'. Beliau merasmikan Konvensyen Anak Malaysia anjuran Pergerakan Pemuda Gerakan pada 13 Ogos 2005.
[sunting] Subjek Kontrak Sosial
Pada 22 Oktober 2008, Sultan Perak Sultan Azlan Shah mencadangkan supaya subjek kontrak sosial diperkenalkan di di institusi pendidikan supaya generasi muda di negara ini memahaminya dengan lebih mendalam.
Menteri Perdagangan Antarabangsa dan Industri Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin menyarankan kontrak sosial menjadi subjek ko kurikulum di universiti-universiti kerana bukan semua faham dengan kontrak sosial ini. Isu kontrak sosial sebenarnya sudah lama selesai dan ia harus diterima oleh semua pihak.[3] Beliau berkata demikian semasa menyampaikan ceramah 'Politik Melayu-Islam Kemelut dan Penyelesaian' di Dewan Budaya Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM) pada 21 Oktober 2008.
Memanglah semua kaum ada rasa tidak puas hati sedikit sebanyak. Kita akui hakikat ini tetapi jangan cuba persoalkan hak orang Melayu melalui cara yang tersirat .Kita harus berpijak di bumi yang nyata. Lagipun kontrak sosial sudah termeterai dan dipersetujui bersama sejak sekian lama.[4]
Menteri Pelajaran Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein menegaskan subjek ini / penekanan topik dalam subjek Sejarah hanya boleh diperkenalkan pada 2010. Ini kerana ia perlu kajian menyeluruh , tenaga pengajar, peralatan, dan prasarana yang mencukupi. Jika tidak , ia akan dipolitikkan dan menjadi polemik berpanjangan.
Pada 16 Ogos 2008, Menteri Besar Johor Datuk Abdul Ghani Othman menegaskan formula kontrak sosial yang berteraskan Perlembagaan Malaysia bukanlah diskriminasi kaum. Sebaliknya ia terbukti menjamin perpaduan antara kaum.[5]
[sunting] Nota dan rujukan
1. ↑ Shuid, Mahdi & Yunus, Mohd. Fauzi (2001). Malaysian Studies, p. 50. Longman. ISBN 983-74-2024-3.
2. ↑ Putra, Tunku Abdul Rahman (1986). Political Awakening, p. 31. Pelanduk Publications. ISBN 967-978-135-6.
3. ↑ Universiti Disaran Wujudkan Ko-kurikulum Jelaskan Isu Kontrak Sosial
4. ↑ Senator Tidak Setuju Akhbar Tabloid Bangkitkan Isu Kontrak Sosial
5. ↑ Kontrak Sosial Kekal Relevan Sampai Bila-bila, Kata Ghani
[sunting] Rujukan lain
• Adam, Ramlah binti, Samuri, Abdul Hakim bin & Fadzil, Muslimin bin (2004). Sejarah Tingkatan 3. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. ISBN 983-62-8285-8.
• "Anwar: Time to suspend NEP". (Oct. 28, 2005). Malaysiakini.
• Badawi, Abdullah Ahmad (2004). "The Challenges of Multireligious, Multiethnic and Multicultural Societies". Retrieved Nov. 12, 2005.
• "Don't Raise Social Contract Issue, Umno Youth Chief Warns". (Aug. 15, 2005). Bernama.
• Goh, Cheng Teik (1994). Malaysia: Beyond Communal Politics. Pelanduk Publications. ISBN 967-978-475-4.
• "'Impossible to co-operate with Singapore while Lee is Premier'". (June 2, 1965). Straits Times.
• "Johor Umno Says Meritocracy A Form Of Discrimination". (July 9, 2005). Bernama.
• Khaw, Ambrose (1998). "This man is making too much noise". Retrieved Nov. 11, 2005.
• Lim, Kit Siang (2002). "Liong Sik and Keng Yaik also suffer from the 'Mudah Lupa' syndrome, forgetting the clear and unequivocal calls by Tunku Abdul Rahman and Hussein Onn and MCA founding fathers not to turn Malaysia into an Islamic state". Retrieved Nov. 12, 2005.
• Lim, Kit Siang (2004). "2004 general election will be a critical test of the reaffirmation or abandonment of the 46-year Merdeka 'social contract' of Malaysia as a democratic, secular and multi-religious nation with Islam as the official religion but not an Islamic State". Retrieved Nov. 12, 2005.
• Musa, M. Bakri (1999). The Malay Dilemma Revisited. Merantau Publishers. ISBN 1-58348-367-5.
• Ooi, Jeff (2004). "Meritocracy: Naked Lies or Partial Truth?". Retrieved Nov. 11, 2005.
• Ooi, Jeff (2005). "The 30% solution". Retrieved Nov. 12, 2005.
• Ooi, Jeff (2005). "New controversy: Social Contract and Bangsa Malaysia". Retrieved Nov. 12, 2005.
• Ooi, Jeff (2005). "Perils of the sitting duck". Retrieved Nov. 11, 2005.
• Ooi, Jeff (2005). "Social Contract: 'Utusan got the context wrong'". Retrieved Nov. 11, 2005.
• Ye, Lin-Sheng (2003). The Chinese Dilemma. East West Publishing. ISBN 0-9751646-1-9.
• Yeoh, Oon (June 4, 2004). "Meritocracy: The truth must be well told". The Sun.
• Yusoff, Marzuki & Samah, Nazeri Nong (Aug. 14, 2005). "Kontrak sosial: Kenyataan Keng Yaik bercanggah Perlembagaan Persekutuan". Utusan Malaysia.

Siri 3: Wahai Saudaraku! Dulu Khilaf Kini Ijmak

2010-04-21T22:16:00.001-07:00

PADA suatu ketika dulu dunia umat Islam pernah gawat dengan isu perdebatan hukum rokok. Apapun, perdebatan yang berpanjangan itu tidak menokhtahkan resolusi muktamad sehingga timbul kecelaruan dalam fikiran saya apakah sesuai diistilahkan perdebatan rokok zaman dulu sebagai “kontroversi hukum rokok”! Namun diri saya cukup yakin bahawa perdebatan ulama didasari ketaqwaan dan dilatari etika bukan kedengkian. Mereka telah meninggalkan untuk kita warisan ilmu gemilang, moga Allah s.w.t merahmati ruh mereka- amin.
Kehangatan itu saya dapat dijiwai ketika menelaah kitab-kitab mazhab yang memperdebatkan hukum sigaret. Masing-masing mendirikan hujah, tetapi ternyata kesepakatan hukum tidak tercapai jua. Umat Islam terus dilema, asap rokok terus disedut dalam kekeliruan dan rokok terus dijual dalam kesangsian.

Namun, apakah pada saat ini yang sebegini canggih dengan penemuan atom, kanser, barah, pembedahan teknologi masih menyebabkan kita berada dalam kegelapan mencari-cari keputusan muktamad hukum sigaret seperti saudara kita yang hidup di zaman kapal layar. Sungguh malang! Oleh kerana Rasulullah s.a.w telah wafat, maka umat Islam barangkali menunggu turunnya nabi Isa a.s untuk memutuskan hukum rokok. Waktu itu barulah kita berpuashati dan menyakini bahawa rokok itu haram dan barulah segala usaha pembasmian dilaksanakan seikhlasnya.

Sebab itu saya pernah berhadapan dengan golongan yang tegar mempertahankan hukum rokok sebagai harus atau paling keras hukumnya makruh sahaja kerana diqiaskan dengan bauan yang kurang menyenangkan. Malah dalam situasi terganggunya konsentrasi dan terputusnya ilham menghisap rokok menjadi wajib. Saya percaya mereka juga terkeliru. Saya juga menyakini bahawa jika mereka diberi peluang melihat kesan rokok secara praktikal dan penunjukkan data-data kajian ilmiah nescaya mereka akan bersikap lebih bijaksana, profesional dan matang. Saya tetap bersabar menunggu detik-detik dimasukkan nur hidayat kebenaran Allah s.w.t ke dalam jiwa manusia.

Saudaraku yang budiman! apakah sebelum anda menanam tembakau atau membuka kilang tembakau atau menjual rokok atau menghisap rokok pernah membuat kajian nekad untuk mengetahui hukum rokok? Jika kajian hukum telah anda buat sudahkah anda pastikan kitab zaman mana yang anda rujuk dan sudahkan membuat perbandingan secara komprehensif? Jika belum membuat rujukan, bererti anda hanya bertanya ulama, tetapi ulama yang pakai kitab mana ia dia sandarkan. Ulama itu hisap rokok atau tidak! Jika semua di atas anda tidak lakukan maka anda terlibat dalam fenonema rokok berdasar ikut-ikutan atau terpengaruh dengan budaya yang membinggungkan.

Sebelum saya membuka forum ini lebih jauh izinkan saya menyedut fatwa rokok negeri Kelantan zaman “Tok Kenali”. Alhamdulillah, keterlibatan langsung saya dalam pengeditan khazanah tak ternilai fatwa negeri Kelantan di bawah kelolaan Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka menemukan saya fatwa rokok itu. Pertanyaan 202, jilid 1, berbunyi; “Tembakau jawa yang kelaziman orang melayu memakannya (menghisapnya) seperti dimasukkan dalam daun nipah (rokok daun nipah) atau sigaret dan cerut dan lainnya daripada daun tembakau itu. Adakah sekelian yang tersebut itu haram atau makruh atau harus?

Jawapan; “Masalah ini khilaf (berselisih) pendapat ulama. Kata setengah halal dan kata setengah haram. Zat tembakau itu suatu yang harus diisti’malkan dia (digunakan) bahkan sunat jika boleh jadi ubat. Jikalau tidak jadi makruh selama tidak jadi (mendatangkan) mudarat dengan dia pada akal atau badan. Adapun jika jadi mudarat dengan dia maka haram diisti’malkan dia (digunakan).

Jika kita mengkaji secara jujur necsaya kita menemui pangkal masalah yang kita perdebatkan ini. Hukum tembakau dan penggunaannya sebagai rokok bergantung kepada sejauh mana bencana kemudaratan pada akal dan badan manusia. Jika terbukti rokok mengancam kemaslahatan hidup maka hukumnya adalah haram. Dengan itu, saya ingin tegaskan bahawa ulama silam tidak menghalalkan rokok secara mutlak tetapi bersyarat bahawa tidak memudaratkan kemaslahatan hidup manusia. Maka sesiapa yang berhukum harus atau makruh merokok dengan menyandarkan pandangan ulama silam adalah sesuatu kekeliruan yang nyata.
Persoalannya, wajarkah sebagai seorang mukmin begitu rendah mutu penghayatan Islamnya dan tidak sudi memberikan kesungguhan mencari kebenaran. Tidakkah dihambat perasaan, dilingkungi ketakutan dan terasa sedikit bersalah sehingga mendorong kita nekad mencari sebuah kepastian. Soal halal haram makanan termasuk ibadat. Rasulullah s.a.w menyebut; “Tidak tumbuh suatu daging dari usaha yang haram melainkan neraka lah yang utama baginya” Dalam situasi yang lain, amalan dan doa kita tidak diterima oleh Allah s.w.t. Amalan itu walaupun sah kerana memenuhi rukun dan syaratnya tetapi tergantung-gantung tidak diangkat ke langit kerana beberapa asas lain tidak dipenuhi.
Saudaraku!, perdebatan dan perbincangan fatwa rokok mula dicatat dalam kitab-kitab Islam hanyalah selepas 1000 tahun Hijrah. Pada tahap itu ulama membincangkan hukumnya dibawa subjek “al-dukhan”, “al-tutun”, “al-tunbak” dan “al-tabgh.” Manakala perbuatan merokok seringkali diistilah sebagai “al-tadkhin”.
Untuk rujukan saudara, sila rujuk dalam Mausu’ah al-Fiqh al-Islami, jilid 12, halaman 65-70. Karya ini berjaya mencatatkan pandangan fuqaha serta aliran mazhab Islam mengenai hukum rokok berserta dengan inti pati pendalilan. Justeru, ruangan ini terlalu sempit untuk membentangkan pandangan tersebut secara rinci. Maka izinkan saya dalam ruangan ini hanya membincangkan dalam suasana semi ilmiah dengan menumpukan mesej dan rumusan yang diperolehi.
Sebelum seseorang berpegang kepada hukum rokok, ia perlu memahami secara jelas 4 senario kematangan ijtihad rokok. Pertama; Dr. Abd al-Jalil Syalabi ahli badan penyelidikan Islam menyatakan menghisap rokok tidak wujud zaman Nabi s.a.w., juga zaman penyusunan teks fiqh para imam yang terawal, juga ketika munculnya mazhab-mazhab fiqh. Perbuatan merokok hanya muncul lebih kurang dalam kurun ke 16 Masihi.
Senario kedua ialah keupayaan fuqaha menyimpulkan hukum rokok amat terhad kepada perumusan dalil-dalil syarak yang umum. Adapun fakta sainstifik mengenai kebaikan atau keburukan rokok tidak diperolehi kecuali dari pemerhatian umum bukan pengkajian. Pada masa mereka itu, dengan tahap teknologi yang seadanya tidak kelihatan secara jelas akan bahayanya merokok itu kepada kehidupan tamadun manusia.
Senario ketiga ialah fokus ulama sewaktu meneliti hukum rokok adalah lebih tertumpu kepada orang yang menghisap itu sendiri bukan kepada bahan yang terkandung dihisap itu serta sejauh mana implikasinya kepada ekonomi dan sosial secara menyeluruh.
Berdasarkan 4 senario di atas, tabiat hukum rokok mengalami reformasi ijtihad kepada 3 peringkat perkembangannya. Peringkat pertama pada zaman permulaan kemasukan rokok ke bumi umat Islam pada tahun 1600. Peringkat kedua tercatat pada zaman pertengahan dan peringkat ketiga ialah zaman moden di mana alat-alat sains mula dicipta.
Sebagai pengetahuan, Dr. Abd al-Jalil Syalabi menjelaskan pada zaman permulaan ada ulama yang menganggap rokok sejenis minuman (syarb) yang hukumnya harus pada zatnya. Hukum ini semata-mata dinisbah kepada orang yang menghisapnya sahaja. Manakala hukumnya secara ditil, ulama tidak bersepakat menurut kedudukan hukum taklifi yang lima sama ada harus bagi orang yang tidak mendatangkan apa-apa kesan atas hartanya dan kesihatannya, ia seperti kopi dan teh yang diminum. Makruh nisbah bagi orang sedikit hartanya, bila harga rokok itu tidak memberi kesan terhadap hartanya bagi keperluan dirinya, keluarga da orang di bawah tanggungannya serta tidak mendatangkan kesan buruk atas kesihatannya.
Haram nisbah bagi orang yang fakir yang memerlukan harga rokok itu untuk belanja hidup dan keperluannya, sebagaimana haram untuknya bila ada kesan buruk kepada kesihatannya. Sunat bagi orang yang mendapat kecergasan daripada menghisap rokok itu bagi setengah daripada kerja-kerjanya. Kedudukannya seperti kedudukan kopi yang menjadikan orang cergas dan tidak mengantuk. Wajib apabila sabit dengan merokok itu dapat menyembuhkan sesuatu penyakit yang dihidapinya. Kedudukan ini sama seperti ubat yang wajib ia gunakan untuk memulihkan kesihatannya.
Inilah beberapa senario ijtihad pada tahun 1600 tahun dahulu dalam isu rokok. Hakikatnya perbezaan hukum di atas bukan dari khilaf pemahaman nas-nas syarak, tetapi manifestasi kegagalan ulama mendapatkan maklumat sebenar. Al-Syeikh al-Akbar Jad al-Haq menegaskan ulama pada era itu berada dalam dilema antara kebaikan dan kemudaratan rokok. Hakikatnya ulama hanya melihat kepada zahir perbuatan merokok dari daun tembakau yang mengeluarkan asap. Mereka tidak mempunyai maklumat mengenai kandungan dalam tembakau yang membawa bahaya besar kepada paru-paru dan sistem tubuh badan manusia.

Manakala pada peringkat pertengahan senario ijtihad mula menampakkan kematangan dengan penyokongan dalil dari saintifik. Namun secara umumnya metodologi penyimpulan hukum syarak masih bergerak secara peribadi. Seorang alim akan berijtihad bersendirian menurut keupayaan alat-alat ijtihad tanpa khidmat nasihat secara khusus dari pakar-pakar sains berkaitan. Contoh mantan Syeikh al-Azhar bernama Syaltut (1893-1963M) menghukum rokok pada kedudukan sama ada haram atau makruh. Beliau mengingatkan bahawa senario ijtihad rokok pada zaman permulaan kemunculannya sesuatu yang tidak jelas dan muktamad. Adapun hukum yang rajih pada zaman ini ialah sama ada haram atau makruh.
Kesedaran terhadap keterbatasan serta kesilapan hukum rokok mula menonjol setelah bukti demi bukti kemudaratan rokok secara saintifik dapat dibuktikan. Mufti Mesir, Dr. al-Syeikh Ahmad al-Tayyib menyebut perbincangan hukum rokok pada peringkat silam tidak sunyi sama ada haram, harus dan makruh bergantung sejauh mana kesan kemudaratan, pembaziran dan kejelekan baunya. Namun, mutakhir ini kajian ilmiah membukti kesan buruk, bahaya dan ancaman terhadap kesihatan dalam mana-mana jua keadaan. Persatuan Kesihatan Dunia dan Persatuan Kesihatan Islam telah menghantar dokumen kemudaratan rokok kepada Majlis Fatwa. Lantas, Majlis Fatwa al-Azhar mengeluarkan kenyataan bahawa jika sabit kemudaratan rokok keatas kesihatan dan kehidupannya maka hukum rokok adalah haram secara syarak.

Siri 2: Kemudaratan Rokok Yang Terselindung, Ulama Dilema

2010-04-21T22:11:00.000-07:00

REALITINYA, orang Islam tidak merokok sehinggalah sekitar tahun 1600 Masihi. Muhammad Syafiq Girbal dalam “al-Mausu’ah al-‘Arabiyyah al-Maisarah” menyebut kemasukan rokok ke negara Islam pada lewat tahun 1000 Hijrah itu pelopori oleh orang-orang Kristian.
Manakala catatan “al-Mausu’ah al-Fiqhiyyah” menegaskan bahawa orang Arab tidak sekali-kali mengetahui tembakau apalagi rokok. Beliau melukiskan gerakan yang awal membawa tembakau ke negara Turki Uthmaniah ialah orang Inggeris, yang membawanya ke Maghrib ialah Yahudi, kemudian dilanjutkan ke Mesir, Hijaz, India, dan banyak negeri-negeri Islam.
Al-Syeikh a-Akbar Mesir, Jad al-Haq melaporkan rokok mula merebak di negara Arab khususnya Maghribi, Sudan dan Mesir. Tanpa menafikan juga pada waktu itu bermulanya juga menjajahan Portugis di Tanah Melayu dan Belanda di Indonesia.
Saya melihat dua sebab budaya rokok cepat merebak mempengaruhi umat Islam. Pertama kerana kejayaan barat pada kurun ke 17 menerobos pemodenan hidup yang luarbiasa. Kemodenan itu memberikan stail hidup baru kepada dunia sehingga kiblat kepada sistem nilai hidup telah berpusing ke arah barat. Dalam pada itu, umat Islam telah mundur dan hilang kepimpinan dunia dari tangannya. Kemajuan diukur terhadap apa yang dicapai oleh barat. Seseorang dianggap maju seperti menyertai parti, makan dengan garpu, pakai kot, main tenis, hisap cerut dan pakai seluar pendek.
Kedua gelombang imperialisme barat khususnya ke atas bumi umat Islam ialah demi menjayakan cita-cita kapitalis dan projek melonggarkan penghayatan agama Islam. Maka golongan yang menaja dan mendokong penjajahan global ini ialah golongan elit yang memperkudakan kuasa politik. Golongan ini sangat pengaruh, berkuasa dan berpegang kepada ‘matlamat menghalalkan cara’. Mereka mencurahkan modal yang banyak dalam pelaburan perindustrian tembakau.
Walaupun saya tidak mempunyai fakta sejarah untuk memperkukuhkan keterangan itu, namun kenyataan Mike Muller menerusi “Tabacco And The Third World” yang dipindahkan oleh Muhamad Abu Farooq al-Athari boleh dijadikan penunjuk. Mike Muller menyebut “Kesihatan rakyat di negara-negra miskin terpaksa dikorbankan demi untuk menambah kekayaan syarikat-syarikat tembakau. Orang-orang miskin menjadi “Quinea Pigs” kepada tujuh buah syarikat tembakau yang menguasai perniagaan tembakau dunia”.
Kita dapat melihat bagaimana pada peringkat awal rokok diperkenalkan hanya mengaitkan hal-hal kebaikan dan manfaat serta gaya santai orang-orang bangsawan. Kalau terdapat kelemahan dari rokok hanyalah baunya yang kurang segar. Dunia tidak dapat mengesan apa-apa keburukan rokok kurang dari 50 tahun selepasnya.
Muhammad ‘Uthman el-Muhammady menyatakan dalam bahasa Inggeris tembakau pada awalnya dikenali sebagai “tobacco”. Manakala dalam bahasa Latinnya dipanggil “Nicotania tabacum”. Kemudian, pada selepas tahun 1630an namanya menjadi “nocotiana” kerana mengambil sempena nama Jean Nicot yang menjadi duta Francis ke Portugal yang meminta supaya Permaisuri Francis mengambil berat tentangnya kerana dikatakan mempunyai khasiat sebagai ubat.
Di samping itu pengusaha rokok melancarkan promosi hebat yang disokong oleh kajian-kajian sains yang menyokong keistimewaan rokok. Mereka hanya menonjolkan kebaikannya dengan menyembunyikan kemudaratan yang besar. Contohnya mereka memanipulasikan nikotin yang digemburkan sebagai bahan organik semulajadi di dalam batang dan daun tembakau yang sangat bermanfaat untuk kesihatan manusia. Nikotin ini boleh bertindak sebagai perangsang, meningkatkan kecergasan, refleksi, kecerdasan serta daya ingatan.
Walaupun ada fakta-fakta dari pakar perubatan yang membuktikan kemudaratan rokok di samping kesan negatif terhadap sosial dan ekonomi sehingga pada tahun 1604 kerajaan Inggeris mengharamkan rokok dan memusnahkan penanaman tembakau dan kerajaan Rusia menghukumkan hukuman mati atau buang negeri ke Siberia, namun perniagaan rokok tetap diteruskan. Malah mereka melancarkan propaganda bertujuan meragukan kebenaran fakta perubatan bahaya rokok sebagai tidak muktamad dan memerlukan kajian mendalam.
Maka bila ia berkembang dalam negeri-negeri Islam ada golongan yang bependapat ianya ada mempunyai faedah-faedah yang banyak, sehingga ada yang menyatakan bahawa rokok menghadamkan makanan, menghilangkan unsur-unsur racun atau toksin dalam badan, membunug ulat-ulat dalam usus, menyenangkan keluar lendir badan, memanaskan badan kepala dan badan, meringankan selsema, menguatkan tumpuan fikiran, dan cita-cita, serta menjadikan keluar hampas badan dengan segera.
Malah Muhamad Abu Farooq al-Athari mengatakan ada yang mendakwa rokok boleh mendatangkan ilham dan inspirasi, mententeramkan perasaan, menenangkan jiwa, mengurangkan kebosanan akal fikiran dan menjadi ubat.
Mantan al-Syeikh al-Akbar Mesir, Jad al-Haq Ali Jad al-Haq menyebut kesan dari kekeliruan itu ada golongan yang mengambil pandangan daripada ahli-ahli perubatan dan pemikir zamannya, bahawa menghisap rokok itu pada permulaannya mendatangkan beberapa faedah pada badan, sehingga ada yang berterusan menghisap rokok sehingga jadilah selaput pada matanya, berat pada gerak geri anggota, dan penghadaman pun terganggu. Ada pendapat menyatakan menghisap rokok itu panas, menjadikan kering badan, menimbulkan rasa haus, memudaratkan kalbu dan otak, menimbulkan debaran pada jantung, dan memekatkan darah.
Hakikat yang perlu diketahui bahawa pencapaian sains, teknologi dan usaha penyelidikan umat Islam pada abad itu tersangat naif. Itu belum dikira kebergantungan kita kepada kemajuan sains dan kepakaran barat dalam mendapatkan info baru. Kesimpulannya umat Islam pada zaman itu tidak memiliki kecanggihan sains kecuali mengambil sumber dan pandangan sains dari barat. Maka dalam kedaifan itulah ulama Islam terpaksa berijtihad bagi mengeluarkan hukum rokok berdasarkan sumber umum sahaja tanpa sokongan dari penelitian sains yang menyakinkan.
Seperti yang dimaklumi, efek dari bahaya rokok tidak dapat dilihat dengan cepat atau segera. 4000 jenis racun yang ada dalam asap rokok amat bergantung kepada keaktifan mengambil rokok. Tetapi kerana unsur ketagihan yang dihasilkan nikotin menjadikan rokok sebagai tabiat yang melazimkan perokok sentiasa menghisap rokok. Secara evolusi rokok menjadi “pembunuh senyap”.
Kesan-kesan rokok ini dapat dikesan oleh manusia seawal-awalnya selepas 100 tahun perniagaan rokok didirikan. Hal ini dibuktikan dari catatan penemuan tembakau yang dilaporkan pada 1492, kemudian terus berkembang pada sekitar tahun 1556-1558 ketika mana rokok mula diperkenalkan ke Perancis, Sepanyol dan Portugal sehingga tersebarlah ke seluruh dunia. Selepas 50 tahun rokok diperkenalkan barulah kesan buruknya dapat dilihat sehingga Inggeris, Rusia, Sweden, Denmark, Slovakia, Nimsa dan Majar mewujudkan undang-undang mengharamkan rokok.
Tiada bangkangan dari mana-mana tulisan ilmuan Islam yang sempat saya periksa yang tidak bersetuju akan fatwa rokok mula dicatat dalam kitab-kitab Islam hanyalah selepas 1000 tahun Hijrah. Pada tahap itu ulama mula membincangkan hukumnya dibawa subjek “al-dukhan”, “al-tutun”, “al-tunbak” dan “al-tabagh.”

Suka saya bentangkan secara ditil pandangan Dr Abd al-Jalil Syalabi ahli badan penyelidikan Islam untuk rujukan kita bersama dalam perbincangan ini. Beliau menyatakan bahawa menghisap rokok tidak ada zaman Nabi s.a.w., juga zaman penyusunan teks fiqh para imam yang terawal, juga ketika munculnya mazhab-mazhab fiqh. Perbuatan merokok hanya muncul lebih kurang dalam kurun ke 16 Masihi.
Justeru, fuqaha mampu melihat tentang hukumnya itu mengikut kadar maklumat yang ada pada mereka. Pada masa mereka itu, dengan tahap teknologi yang seadanya tidak kelihatan secara jelas akan bahayanya merokok itu kepada kehidupan tamadun manusia.
Sehubungan itu, tumpuan pandangan ulama sewaktu meneliti hukum rokok adalah lebih banyak tertumpu kepada orang yang menghisap itu sendiri bukan kepada bahan yang dihisap itu dan persekitarannya. Apabila terdapat fakta yang walau belum boleh dipertanggungjawabkan menyatakan tidak ada bahaya rokok, maka sudah dipakai untuk membantu memahami rahsia rokok.
Dr Abd al-Jalil Syalabi menambah lagi; sebab itulah pada zaman itu ada ulama yang menganggap rokok sejenis minuman (syarb) yang hukumnya harus pada zatnya. Hukum ini semata-mata dinisbah kepada orang yang menghisapnya sahaja. Manakala hukumnya secara ditil, mereka tidak bersepakat menurut kedudukan hukum taklifi yang lima di bawah;
• Harus bagi orang yang tidak mendatangkan apa-apa kesan atas hartanya dan kesihatannya, ia seperti kopi dan teh yang diminum.
• Makruh nisbah bagi orang sedikit hartanya, bila harga rokok itu tidak memberi kesan terhadap hartanya bagi keperluan dirinya, keluarga da orang di bawah tanggungannya serta tidak mendatangkan kesan buruk atas kesihatannya.
• Haram nisbah bagi orang yang fakir yang memerlukan harga rokok itu untuk belanja hidup dan keperluannya, sebagaimana haram untuknya bila ada kesan buruk kepada kesihatannya.
• Sunat bagi orang yang mendapat kecergasan daripada menghisap rokok itu bagi setengah daripada kerja-kerjanya. Kedudukannya seperti kedudukan kopi yang menjadikan orang cergas dan tidak mengantuk.
• Wajib apabila sabit dengan merokok itu dapat menyembuhkan sesuatu penyakit yang dihidapinya. Kedudukan ini sama seperti ubat yang wajib ia gunakan untuk memulihkan kesihatannya.
Inilah beberapa gambaran ijtihad pada tahun 1600 tahun dahulu dalam isu rokok. Hakikatnya perbezaan hukum di atas bukan khilaf semata-mata tetapi gambaran dari kegagalan ulama mendapatkan maklumat sebenar. Al-Syeikh al-Akbar Jad al-Haq menegaskan ulama pada era itu dalam dilema antara kebaikan dan kemudaratan rokok. Hakikatnya mereka hanya melihat kepada zahir perbuatan merokok dari daun tembakau yang mengeluarkan asap. Mereka jahil mengenai kandungan dalam tembakau yang membawa bahaya besar kepada paru-paru dan sistem tubuh badan manusia. Ulama memang pakar dalam soal ilmu agama tetapi mereka tidak memiliki pengetahuan dalam bidang sains.

Sebelum saya menoktahkan perbincangan dalam siri ini, saya menegaskan bahawa isi kandungan siri ini hanya merupakan satu usaha memahamkan kita akan realiti hukum rokok yang difatwakan pada zaman terawal tanpa berjaya disokong fakta sains. Maka hukum tersebut bukan muktamad dan tidak menjadi hujah apabila ada fakta baru yang temui dan diperakukan. Saya benar sidang pembaca menantikan siri minggu depan yang insya Allah saya bentangkan hujah ulama silam dan kontemporari.

REFORMASI FATWA ROKOK: DULU KHILAF KINI IJMAK

2010-04-21T21:59:00.001-07:00

Disediakan oleh:
Mohd Azhar bin Abdullah
Pensyarah KIAS

” Siri Artikel yang mendepani beberapa kekeliruan umat Islam terhadap polimek hukum rokok, khususnya mereka yang tegar mempertahankan hukum rokok berdasarkan sangkaan nas semata-mata dengan mengenepikan pandangan saintifik ”

Siri 1: Fikrah Perokok Terumbang-ambing Antara Mistik, Imperalisme dan Kapitalisme
SELAMA 16 KURUN lamanya umat Islam “buta tembakau”. Umat Islam tidak tahu langsung apa itu tembakau, bagaimana pokok, daun dan batangnya serta untuk apa tembakau itu boleh digunakan. Sepanjang tempoh itu umat Islam bersih dari usaha pendapatan penanaman tembakau dan pencemaran asapnya.

Sementara itu, walaupun mereka bebas dari fenonema tembakau tetapi mereka menghadapi zaman kemunduran. Rata-rata kedudukan politik, ekonomi dan sosial umat Islam pada waktu itu berada pada tahap sangat daif; semakin menurun hari demi hari. Mereka hidup dalam kejumudan, kepompong taklid buta, kegelapan politik dan ketidakstabilan sosial. Tetapi, malangnya umat Islam terus lena diulit ilusi kegemilangan Islam lampau.
Manakala masyarakat barat sebaliknya, di mana mereka menemui sentuhan ketamadunan moden. Selepas keperitan dan pengajaran perang Salib yang berlanjutan hampir 200 telah mengalihkan strategi mereka 180 darjah ke arah pembangunan dalaman, penguasaan ekonomi melalui penemuan-penemuan baru. Mereka nekad menerobos sempadan sejarah gelap ke alam pencerahan dan realiti masa depan yang gemilang walaupun terpaksa bermula dari bawah.
Rentetan penemuan demi penemuan dicapai yang membawa kepada penemuan tembakau pada akhir kurun ke-14 menjadikan gelombang penguasaan ekonomi global kian realistik. Sejak itu, dunia Eropah telah berkembang pesat dengan industri tembakau yang diterajui monopoli kapitalis. Masyarakat barat telah diselubungi fenonema ini selama 200 tahun sebelum merebak ke dunia umat Islam.
Penemuan sejarah mencatatkan penemuan awal rokok dari mitos mistik orang-orang asli benua Amerika. Orang Indian ini menghisap rokok untuk mendapatkan asapnya bagi tujuan pemujaan ruh baik dan menghindarkan ruh jahat.

Menurut catatan “Wikipedia” sewaktu Colombus dan kelasinya menemui pulau Bahamas pada tahun 1429, mereka melihat orang-orang Indian yang memegang sesuatu yang bernyala dan mengeluarkan asap di hujungnya. Mereka menghisap benda itu dan menghembuskan asapnya dengan menggunakan alat seperti paip. Mereka meletakkan tembakau di dalam lubang paip dan menyalakannya untuk mendapatkan asap.

Mereka melakukan demikian kerana berpegang kepada kepercayaan interaksi ghaib ruh baik dan ruh jahat. Mereka sentiasa melakukannya sebagai upacara suci bagi mendapatkan pertolongan ruh agong dan dalam situasi yang sama bermohon dijauhi dari ruh yang tidak baik.

Hakikatnya, ruh jahat atau baik yang dimaksudkan oleh orang Indian itu merupakan makhluk halus dari jenis jin. Percaya atau tidak, makhluk halus di dunia ini hanya dua sahaja iaitu malaikat yang diciptakan dari nur dan kedua jin yang dijadikan dari unsur api. Dr. Salah al-Khalidi dalam “al-Qasas al-Qur’ani” menyatakan bahawa malaikat dan jin merupakan makhluk alam ghaib, iaitu ghaib dari alam nyata manusia sahaja. Manusia tidak melihat mereka dengan mata kasar tetapi mereka hidup dan wujud di sekeliling kita.

Tambahnya lagi, asal-usul jin dari “al-Samum” seperti penjelasan surah al-Hijr, ayat 27, maksudnya; “Dan kami telah menciptakan jin sebelum (Adam) dari api yang sangat panas”. Hakikat “api yang sangat panas” itu disebut dalam al-Quran sebagai “al-Samum”. “al-Samum” pula terbentuk dari “al-Marij” iaitu gabungan dua juzuk api. Pertama; diambil dari satu juzuk yang terakhir dari kepanasan api yang mengeluarkan sinaran api dan kedua, juzuk asap hitam yang dijulang api marak. Intergrasi kedua-dua juzuk inilah diciptakan jin.

Menurut keterangan “Ensiklopedia Islam” golongan malaikat semuanya baik belaka, taat, beriman dan tidak sekali mengganggu manusia, malah mendatangkan rahmat. Manakala golongan jin terbahagi kepada dua; jin beriman dan kedua jin kafir yang disebut juga syaitan dan iblis yang tentunya membuat kacau dan memperdaya manusia dari hidayat Allah. Justeru, mitos mistik orang Indian itu berkait rapat dengan anutan kuasa ghaib yang bertentangan dengan Islam.

Pembakaran seumpama colok dan kemenyan untuk mendapatkan asap sebenarnya mengandungi elemen penyeruan makhluk halus kerana unsur asap sinonim dengan kejadian jin. Dikatakan bahawa jin bukan sahaja makan sisa tulang dan makanan tetapi juga begitu teruja dengan asap.

Sehubungan itu, tidak jauh kebenarannya jika Ustaz Dato’ Haji Ismail Kamus dalam satu ceramahnya berseloroh bahawa orang yang hisap rokok perlu hati-hati kerana asap yang dihasilkan itu mampu menarik minat jin. Katanya; “Jin dijadikan dari asap dan makan dari unsur asap seperti manusia dijadikan dari tanah yang makan dari unsur kejadian tanah. Maka orang yang hisap rokok sebenarnya kawan jin”. Kenyataan ini memberikan signal tersirat apakah pengaruh asap yang menjadi makanan jin ini juga salah satu faktor menyulitkan usaha “menalak tiga” rokok. Keadaan ini membuat perokok begitu liat dan sukar memberikan keikhlasan suci untuk membuang jauh-jauh tabiat rokok.

Namun, saya yakin niat perokok bukan mendampingkan diri dengan jin. Mereka menyalakan rokok semata-mata mendapatkan kenikmatan candu dalam kandungan asap rokok. Dalam cita-cita perokok asap itu adalah kemuncak kelazatan. Tiada rokok tanpa asap. Banyak benda lain yang berasap tapi tidak seindah rokok.
Sebab itu soal hubungan jin, pembaziran duit dan efek racun dalam rokok yang disahkan pakar perubatan mengandungi lebih kurang 4000 racun yang membawa penyakit tahap berbahaya dan maut sehingga laporan Organisasi Kesihatan Dunia (WHO) menganggarkan 4.9 juta manusia mati setahun akibat rokok merupakan perkara sampingan, malah sesuatu yang tidak dapat dielakkan bagi perokok. Mereka rela apa saja demi rokok!

Suatu perkara sampingan yang perlu disentuh berkaitan asap dalam kesempatan itu juga ialah fatwa Jabatan Mufti Melaka menegaskan jika asap yang dihasilkan samada dari rokok, colok dan kemenyan dalam bentuk perbomohan, penyeruan dan perubatan tradisional dengan maksud mendampingi dan meminta bantuan makhluk ‘ghaib’ adalah bercanggah dengan akidah Islam.

Sejarah kepesatan perusahaan tembakau secara jelas disaksikan apabila ahli korporat besar bernama Rodrigo De Jares merintis perniagaan tembakau, khususnya perusahaan rokok di Cuba. Pada tahun 1556-1558 rokok mula diperkenalkan ke Perancis, Sepanyol dan Portugal sehingga tersebarlah ke seluruh dunia.
Dilaporkan, selepas orang-orang Sepanyol berjaya mempromosikan tembakau ke Eropah, terutama kepada golongan bangsawan British yang menghisap tembakau dengan paip pada waktu rehat telah melonjakan aktiviti penanaman tembakau sebagai komuniti ekonomi negeri-negeri jajahan British yang bermula di Amerika Utara.

Usaha kapitalis melalui selendang imperealis semakin berjaya. Pada tahun 1630-an hasil tembakau memberikan loba besar bagi negeri Virginia. Akibatnya, fenonema tembakau tidak dapat disekat lagi, kian pesat pada abad ke-17.
Serentak dengan itu, pedagang Eropah memperkenalkan tembakau ke seluruh Asia dan Afrika. Kemudian dalam abad ke 19 orang-orang Sepanyol memperkenalkan cerut ke Asia melalui tanah Filipina dan kemudian ke Rusia dan Turki serta tidak terkecuali ke dalam negeri-negeri Islam, terutama tanah jajahan mereka.
Dr. Yusuf al-Qardawi dalam ‘Fatawa Mu’asarah’ dan mantan Syeikh al-Akbar Mesir, Jad al-Haq Ali Jad al-Haq dalam fatwanya mengatakan tembakau dan rokok masuk ke bumi umat Islam lewat ke-11 Hijrah, khususnya di Maghribi, Sudan, kemudian berkembang ke negeri-negeri lain. Ertinya, selama 100 tahun umat Islam tidak mempunyai apa-apa hubungan dengan tembakau, apatahlagi rokok.
Justeru, aneh sekali umat Islam di negara ini yang masih koma dengan hakikat rokok. Sehingga kini, masih ramai yang menyangka sigaret muncul dari sejarah melayu silam. Mereka merumuskan demikian kerana tembakau yang dilihat begitu sinonim dengan kebudayaan melayu sejak berzaman menggunakan sireh, buah pinang dan daun nipah merupakan salah satu tumbuhan asli tropika yang tumbuh di rantau ini.

Ini satu kekeliruan. En. Mohd Fakri bin Mohd Noor, PRO Lembaga Tembakau Negara, Kota Bharu Kelantan yang telah berkhidmat hampir 20 tahun berkata tembakau bukan tumbuhan asal rantau ini. Tumbuhan tembakau seperti juga getah dibawa masuk ke Tanah Melayu seringi penjajahan Inggeris.
Sumber Lembaga Tembakau Negara melaporkan industri tembakau di Malaysia bermula dengan tembakau cerut yang ditanam secara meluas di Sabah sejak awal abad kesembilan belas, setelah didapati penanamannya berjaya diusahakan pada tahun 1883. Pada satu ketika ianya menarik minat lebih dari lima puluh pengusaha dari Eropah dan mencapai nilai eksport sebanyak RM2 juta pada tahun 1902.
Selepas perang dunia kedua, khususnya di tahun 1959 usaha meningkatkan tanaman tembakau telah dilaksanakan secara serius. Di pertengahan 1970-an pula penanaman tembakau berkembang maju di Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah, Perlis, Pahang dan lain-lainnya di negeri Melaka, Negeri Sembilan dan Johor.

Berdasarkan fakta di atas menunjukkan industri tembakau dan rokok mempunyai hubungan yang erat dengan gerakan penjajahan barat ke atas bumi umat Islam, khususnya Yahudi melalui dasar kapitalisme.
Kegilaan kapatilis yang didalangi oleh golongan elit Yahudi yang mementingkan kekayaan semata-mata mengenepikan soal moral sama sekali. Mereka tidak mempersoalkan langsung keburukan rokok, malah mengeksplotasi dari elemen ketagihan rokok sebagai aset melariskan perniagaan rokok. Adapun penjajahan tidak lebih dari wasilah demi merealisasikan matlamat itu.
Kemunculan rokok hakikatnya membawa malapetaka dan kemusnahan besar kepada dunia samada barat dan timur. Namun kapitalis tidak memperdulikan kesan itu kepada manusia walaupun usaha-usaha pengharaman penanaman tembakau dan rokok dijalankan pemerintah. Mereka sentiasa melancarkan propaganda tentang keistimewaan rokok yang didakwa mampu melancarkan darah, memenangkan tekanan darah, baik untuk usus dan sebagainya.
Menurut fakta buku “Rokok Haram atau Makruh dan Penawar atau Pembunuh” yang ditulis oleh Muhammad Abu Faroq al-Athari menyebut bahawa Raja Inggeris bernama Jims 1 mengambil langkah drastik mengharamkan rokok. Raja ini juga melancarkan operasi besar-besaran memusnahkan tembakau secara habis-habisan serta mengeluarkan satu perintah berupa undang-undang pengharaman rokok pada tahun 1604M.
Kemudaratan rokok jelas menghancurkan generasi manusia sehingga pada tahun 1643M kerajaan Rusia telah meluluskan undang-undang berat di mana sesiapa yang membeli, menjual, mengedar dan menghisap rokok dari tembakau akan dihukum dengan dibuang negeri ke Siberia atau dihukum mati.

Dipole, Inverted V and Ground Plane Antenna Calculators

2010-03-30T22:28:00.000-07:00

Dipole, Inverted V and Ground Plane Antenna Calculators

Online and downloadable Dipole, Inverted V and Ground Plane Calculators.

The first online Dipole and Inverted V calculator on the page below has been around for many years and is designed as a simple "shortcut" so you will not have to do the math using the standard formulas for designing a horizontal dipole or inverted V dipole. It's results may be different than what will work at your particular location and your installation. Antenna calculators are not an exact science so don't expect "plug and play" results. It has no way of knowing ALL of the variables in your installation.

As you may already know, no two antenna installations are alike or identical in many ways, even when using identical antennas and each the same height above ground.

The surroundings, height above ground, the ground conductivity, and many other factors can detune most any antenna. Even the length, diameter of wire used, and type of feedline can be a factor to some extent.

Using larger conductor diameters for the antenna like aluminum tubing rather than normally used #12 or #14 AWG wire can have an effect that will be different than using the calculator which is designed for normal wire use.

The old standby formula 468 / freq in mhz = total length is used in the calculator for an average height of 1/2 wave high and horizontal dipole..and then 5 % is subtracted from that number to get the inverted V lengths. These formulas are used to get you close to the desired lengths......but they will result in ONLY the ball park lengths and not an exact length when you take into consideration all of the factors involved with the environment of the antenna.

The calculator assumes that the dipole is high above ground with no obstructions nearby, usually within 1/2 wavelength above ground or higher.
Always when using "formulas" or calculators...cut long and then tune as needed....the calculator is used just as a starting point and depending on the environment under, on top of and on both sides of the antenna, and the "specs" of your materials used, your actual final lengths may be different than what the calculator shows.
The calculator does not give you EXACT lengths that are "plug and play".
It does not know ALL of the variables with your installation.

Antennas can be much fun to work with even when using an antenna analyzer that will show you what happens when you make changes. If you do have an antenna analyzer then you have an advantage over many others that do not have one. They have to use the old "cut long and then trim down" method even when using the calculator or the so called "formulas".

You can "plug in" different angles of the V and get the results for each angle:

Use 5% for 45 degrees (The calculator should already be set for 5, if not change it to your desired angle using ONLY the percentages below. The results will still be "in the ball park".
Use 4% for 37 degrees
Use 3% for 30 degrees
Use 2% for 22 degrees

Enter The Frequency For The Dipole/Vee Antenna Calculation
Use entries like 7.200, 7.2, 144.200, 144.225, etc...

Divided by Freq MHz

Percent smaller for the Inverted Vee
Your dipole's total length is feet
Each leg of the dipole is feet
Your Inverted Vee's total length is feet
Each leg of the Inverted Vee is feet

The picture above is a diagram of the old standby CLASSIC antennas....the Dipole and the Inverted Vee. They are shown 'together" in the drawing for ease of viewing on this page.

Additional notes of interest:
The horizontal dipole and inverted V are shown superimposed on each other in the drawing and without the feed line for clarity. It is assumed that you understand that we are talking about 2 separate antennas in the drawing and not one antenna with 2 bands fed with coax.
Feed line (usually 50 ohms) is connected at feedpoints, center conductor to one side, the shield to the other side of antenna. The blue line in the drawing is the example of a horizontal dipole. The copper colored line is the inverted vee configuration. The inverted vee is is just a lazy dipole that can't hold it's arms up and is about 4 to 5% shorter in its total length. Both antennas can be constructed just about anywhere using any type of wire you may have and can be used with 50-75 ohm coax or open wire ladder line and a tuner. When fed with open wire type feed, it becomes a multiband antenna using a tuner. The use of an rf choke is recommended when using coax feed!
The inverted V antenna more closely matchs the 50 ohm coax than does the standard horizontal dipole, so your swr may be lower compared to a horizontal dipole fed with the same 50 ohm coax.
You could use the calculator to build a 75 or 80 meter dipole and then calculate an inverted vee for other bands higher in frequency, suspended under it as shown in the drawing above, from the same support and feed both with the same line to xmtr. This is usually called a "fan" dipole and works well when tuned for lowest SWR.
A little experimentation may be required for adjustment of the SWR, tuning the 75 meter dipole first for lowest SWR and then the inverted Vee/s under it in a test, cut, test, cut fashion.

Download the Ground Plane/Dipole/Inverted V Calculator by N2IMF

Courtesy of and designed by
N2IMF
Joseph R Mielko
This downloadable calculator will provide you with good starting measurements for a basic ground plane, Inverted V or standard Dipole antenna.

The graphics below are "screen shots" taken from it. Non functioning!

Basic Ground Plane Calculator screen shot.

Dipole and Inverted V screen shot of calculator.

This is a very simple program to use and has a handy "Print" function and nice graphics showing the basic layout of each antenna.

All you have to do is run the program and input your design frequency in the white window top left. Click "Calculate" and the length results are shown in your choice of feet or inches.

You may be surprised at how fast it works!

Download instructions:

Download the zip file here and unzip it to a folder of your choice and name on your computer.
It is not a large file and should download quickly for dialup users.
After the file unzips, open up the folder and look for the "N2IMF antenna.exe file...double click it and the program comes up! Enjoy!
Again, this calculator is courtesy of N2IMF...Thanks Joe!

EXPERIMENT! EXPERIMENT! EXPERIMENT!

Learn more about the inverted vee compared to the dipole
Click here to leave this site to learn more!.

Here is another link to some more good info on the inverted V/s and dipoles and includes some precalculated lengths using different formulas than the calculator above.
http://www.chem.hawaii.edu/uham/antennas.html

Peristiwa Memali 1985

2010-03-17T00:12:00.001-07:00

Peristiwa Memali berlaku pada 19 November 1985. Insiden ini mengorbankan 18 orang dan berpuluh-puluh yang lain tercedera serta penahanan beratus-ratus orang. Kesemua yang ditahan telah dibebaskan kecuali 36 orang. Mereka ditahan di bawah Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA). Dalam pertempuran antara orang kampung dengan pihak polis, Ustaz Ibrahim Mahmud atau lebih dikenali dengan Ibrahim Libya telah terbunuh. Polis memanggil operasi ini sebagai 'Operasi Angkara/Operasi Hapus'.

Peristiwa ini terjadi ketika Datuk Seri Musa Hitam menjadi Timbalan Perdana Menteri Malaysia dan Menteri Keselamatan Dalam Negeri. Ketika itu Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad selaku Perdana Menteri Malaysia berada di China.

Lokasi

Peristiwa berlaku di Kampung Memali yang terletak di mukim Siong, Baling, Kedah berhampiran dengan sempadan Kedah-Thailand. Penduduknya keturunan Melayu. Sebahagian lagi mempunyai kaitan dengan Siam/Patani. Aktiviti ekonomi mereka ialah menoreh getah dan bersawah padi.

Baling merupakan sebuah daerah yang dikaitkan dengan pertemuan antara Tunku Abdul Rahman dengan Chin Peng dari Parti Komunis Malaya pada tahun 1955. Baling dikejutkan lagi pada tahun 1974 berikutan insiden kebuluran pada era Anwar Ibrahim menjadi pemimpin pelajar. Seterusnya Baling dikejutkan dengan Peristiwa Memali.

Tayangan video

Peristiwa ini dipaparkan melalui tayangan video oleh RTM1. Video ini memaparkan segmen penduduk kampung yang bersenjata parang, lastik dan molotov cocktail (bom petrol) menyatakan perasaan tidak puas hati mereka terhadap pihak polis yang mengepung penempatan tempat tinggal mereka selama beberapa bulan.

Pihak FRU pula menggunakan dua buah kereta perisai bagi memecahkan pintu papan di rumah Ibrahim Libya. Kelihatan juga seorang perempuan tua yang bagaikan histeria mahu mempertahankan Ibrahim Libya.

Walaubagaimanapun, tayangan video berkenaan dikatakan telah disunting oleh pihak berkuasa untuk menampakkan kumpulan yang diserang sebagai pengganas.

Video berkenaan turut menayangkan pengakuan daripada bapa Ustaz Ibrahim Libya, Haji Mahmud Senapi, adiknya, Ismail Mahmud dan orang kanannya, Yusuf Husein. Ketiga-tiga mereka ketika itu masih berada di dalam tahanan di bawah Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA).

Mereka membuat pengakuan salah serta mendedahkan beberapa perancangan kumpulan mereka. Mereka turut menyatakan kesal di atas penglibatan mereka di dalam kumpulan Ustaz Ibrahim Libya dan menyeru rakyat Malaysia supaya memaafkan mereka.

Bagaimanapun selepas dibebaskan, ketiga-tiga mereka telah menyampaikan ceramah ke seluruh Malaysia di atas pentas PAS, mendedahkan bahawa mereka sebenarnya telah dipaksa membuat pengakuan berkenaan.

Operasi Angkara

Musa Hitam selaku Timbalan Perdana Menteri Malaysia menjelaskan Operasi Angkara bertujuan menangkap dan menghapuskan penjenayah. Ibrahim Libya memang dikehendaki pihak polis di bawah ISA. Ibrahim Libya dituduh mengancam keselamatan negara dengan kegiatan memecah-belahkan masyarakat Islam. Selain itu, dalam sidang akhbar New Straits Times bertarikh 21 November 1985 Musa Hitam turut menyanggah kenyataan yang dikeluarkan oleh Majlis Agama Islam Kedah yang mengatakan Ustaz Ibrahim hanyalah memberikan ceramah agama.

Ibrahim Libya juga dituduh melindungi penjenayah yang sangat dikehendaki oleh Polis iaitu Yusof Che Mit dan Ramli Che Mit. Sebelum polis menyerang, penduduk kampung yang berkumpul di rumah Ibrahim Libya diminta menyerahkan Yusuf dan Ramli, tetapi mereka berdua tidak ada di situ. Beberapa hari kemudian Ramli ditangkap, tetapi tidak pula dibicarakan di mahkamah kerana dia ditahan di bawah ISA.

Ibrahim Libya lahir dan tinggal di Kampung Memali,mukim Siong, Baling, Kedah.

Lulusan Universiti Al Azhar, Mesir. Kemudian menyambung pengajiannya di India dan Libya. Bekerja sebagai pegawai pendakwa di Bahagian Agama di Jabatan Perdana Menteri Malaysia.

Beliau kerap berceramah di RTM 1 Malaysia. Kemudian memulakan kelas agama dan sekolah agama di kampungnya di Kampung Memali. Beliau ingin meneruskan usaha tuan-tuan guru pada masa yang dahulu yang membuka sekolah pondok atau sekolah agama. Perjuangannya sealiran dengan PAS dan menyertai PAS kemudiannya.

Pada tahun 1978, atas tiket PAS bertanding di kawasan Bayu-Baling. Beliau memperoleh 5,081 undi berbanding 6,169 undi yang dimenangi Barisan Nasional.

Polis bertindak

Terlalu banyak ajaran sesat di Malaysia sehingga menyerang Balai Polis Batu Pahat dan serangan terhadap kuil Hindu di Kerling pada tahun 1979. Kementerian Dalam Negeri Malaysia menerusi polis dan pegawai agama di Jabatan Agama Islam tidak mahu insiden ini berpanjangan. Ajaran sesat haruslah ditumpaskan terlebih dahulu sebelum menjadi tragedi. Peristiwa Memali adalah insiden yang dituduh oleh parti pemerintah sebagai satu kaedah untuk menghapuskan ajaran sesat.

Di Kem Pasukan Polis Hutan Sungai Petani, Kedah; 3,600 anggota polis daripada pelbagai bahagian termasuk FRU (Pulau Pinang), Pasukan Senoi Praaq, anggota polis beruniform, Unit Tindakan Khas (UTK Berpakaian Komando 69) dari Bukit Aman menerima taklimat dari pegawai Bukit Aman.

Malam itu Ibrahim Mahmud memberi kuliah sehingga jam 11.45 malam . Penduduk seramai 50 orang hadir. Kuliah atau ceramah biasa jarang benar sehingga 11.45 malam. Kecualilah ceramah politik, itupun ada sekatan dan larangan dan perlu permit daripada Balai Polis Daerah.

Sekatan jalan raya dan meminta Ibrahim Libya menyerah diri merupakan tindakan terbaik. Alternatif lain turut difikirkan. 10 orang polis dikatakan telah menyusup masuk ke Kampung Memali dan memberi laporan.

Jika tindakan mengepung dilakukan, mungkin memakan masa 3 bulan. Dua buah kereta perisai digunakan bagi mengelakkan kemalangan di kalangan FRU dan polis. Tambahan pula Baling merupakan kawasan berhampiran sempadan di mana komunis dipercayai masih berkubu . Komunis sentiada mencari titik lemah anggota tentera yang meronda sempadan Malaysia-Thailand.

Persediaan di Madrasah

Ibrahim Libya dan 39 pengikutnya yang tidur di madrasah tersebut telah dimaklumkan oleh seseorang akan bilangan polis yang ramai di Balai Polis Sungai Petani.

Pelbagai senjata ala kampung disediakan seperti kapak, pisau dan buluh runcing. Mereka yang mahir memasang molotov cocktail yang diperbuat daripada minyak tanah dan petrol.

Seluruh pengikut Ibrahim Libya menunaikan solat hajat, membaca surah Yassin dan berzikir sebagaimana pahlawan Islam dahulu.

Sepasukan polis yang terdiri daripada Pasukan Polis Hutan, Senoi Praaq, Polis Anti-Pengganas Unit Tindakan Khas (UTK berpakaian Komando 69), Pasukan Simpanan Persekutuan (FRU) serta Tugas Am bertindak melakukan serbuan di madrasah tersebut. Dalam serbuan tersebut, seorang pegawai kanan Pasukan Polis Hutan, seorang anggota pangkat rendah dan seorang konstabel tertembak. Mengikut sumber dalaman, mereka yang terkorban terkena peluru sesat dari pasukan tersebut itu sendiri semasa serbuan dibuat.^{[perlu rujukan]} Tiada penduduk yang pernah dibicara kerana memiliki senjata api selepas kejadian tersebut.

Dua helikopter polis digunakan bagi membawa pegawai polis yang terkorban. Mangsa yang cedera dan mati dihantar ke Hospital Sungai Petani dan Hospital Alor Star. Dianggarkan seramai 13 penduduk Memali terbunuh dalam serbuan tersebut termasuk Ibrahim Libya. Menurut sumber, beliau ditembak berpuluh kali di dadanya oleh anggota Unit Tindakan Khas (UTK), dan sempat mengucapkan kalimah syahadah dipangkuan seorang pegawai kanan polis yang memangkunya sebelum beliau meninggal dunia. Jenazah Ibrahim serta pengikutnya dikebumikan dalam kubur panjang tanpa dimandikan kerana dipercayai tergolong sebagai para syuhada. Darah dan peluh mereka dikatakan masih basah walaupun sudah berhari-hari di bilik mayat. Sultan Kedah sendiri turun mencemar duli untuk mengunjungi makam tersebut.

Status mereka sebagai syahid disahkan oleh ahli Majlis Fatwa Kerajaan Negeri Kedah, Tuan Guru Haji Yahya Junid dan Ustaz Azahari Abd Razak berdasarkan mereka yang mempertahankan diri dan harta mereka adalah syahid. Bagaimanapun mereka yang mengeluarkan fatwa berkenaan disingkirkan daripada menganggotai badan fatwa berkenaan. ^{[perlu rujukan]}

Korban

1. Ustaz Ibrahim Mahmud, Kampung Charok Puteh, Siong, Baling, Kedah 45 tahun, guru dan pendakwah Islam. Beliau meninggalkan seorang balu yang juga telah ditahan beberapa minggu dalam kem tahanan di markas Polis Hutan Sungai Petani, kemudian dipindahkan ke Penjara di Alor Setar sehingga dibebaskan. Beliau meninggalkan lima orang anak, dua orang sedang bersekolah dan tiga orang lagi masih kecil.

2. Ahmad Hassan, Kampung Alor Melentang, Gunung, Alor Setar, 30 tahun, kerja sendiri, bekas pegawai LPN, bekas ketua Dewan Pemuda PAS Kuala Kedah 1979-1981, bekas Setiausaha Kerja DPPN Kedah 1981-1983. Beliau meninggalkan seorang balu dan empat orang anak yang masih belum bersekolah.

3. Syafie bin Dahaman, Sekolah Menengah Siong, Baling, 30 tahun, guru Sekolah Menegah Siong, meninggalkan seorang balu dan seorang anak.

4. Haji Abdullah bin Haji Abdul Rahman, Mukim Siong Baling, 72 tahun, penoreh getah. Beliau meninggalkan seorang balu dan tujuh orang anak.

5. Abdul Manaf bin Waden, Kampung Becah Sawa, 58 tahun, penoreh getah, meninggalkan seorang balu dan tiga orang anak.

6. Ghazali bin Mohd Saman, Kampung Becah Sawa, 36 tahun, merinyu malaria, meninggalkan seorang balu dan 3 orang anak.

7. Mohd Radzi bin Ahmad, Kampung Ubi Memali, 27 tahun, penoreh getah, meninggalkan empat orang anak dan isterinya telah meninggal sejak beberapa lama.

8. Wan Abdullah @ Idris bin Lebai Kadir, Kampung Charok Bunting, Siong, Baling, 32 tahun, penoreh getah; meninggalkan seorang balu dan enam orang anak sebahagiannya masih bersekolah.

9. Mohd Aroff bin Hashim, Kampung Becah, Siong, 36 tahun, penoreh getah; meninggalkan seorang balu dan enam orang anak.

10. Zamri bin Md Isa, Kampung Charok Puteh, 37 tahun, pemandu; meninggalkan seorang balu dan tiga orang anak.

11. Abdullah bin Yasin, Kampung, Guar Reban, Kupang, 33 tahun, berniaga; meninggalkan seorang balu dan tiga orang anak.

12. Mohd Daud bin Kadir, Kampung Becah Sawa, 53 tahun, penoreh getah; meninggalkan seorang balu dan tiga orang anak.

13. Ahmad bin Ismail, Kampung Cepir, Sik, 30 tahun, mekanik motosikal; meninggalkan seorang balu dan 4 orang anak.

14. Haji Abdul Rahman bin Jusoh, Siong, Baling, 69 tahun. Beliau cedera parah dan akhirnya meninggal dunia kerana kecederaan tersebut pada 31 Jan 1986. ^[1]

^{SUMBER RUJUKAN :}Dari Wikipedia Bahasa Melayu, ensiklopedia bebas.

Rundingan Damai Baling 1955

2010-03-16T23:36:00.000-07:00

Rundingan Damai Baling merupakan perundingan di antara Kerajaan Persekutuan Tanah Melayu dengan Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM). Rundingan ini diadakan di Baling English School (sekarang Sekolah Kebangsaan Tunku Putra) di Baling, Kedah Darul Aman, Malaysia pada 28 dan 29 Disember 1955.

Rombongan Kerajaan Persekutuan Tanah Melayu terdiri daripada Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Tan Cheng Lock, David Marshall dan Hamid Jumat sementara rombongan PKM terdiri daripada Chin Peng, Chen Tien dan Rashid Maidin.

Sebelum rundingan

Kerajaan Perikatan berjaya dalam pilihan raya di Tanah Melayu pada bulan Julai 1955. Pada bulan September 1955, kerajaan menabur 40 juta risalah "Tawaran Menyerah Diri" serta 12,000 pas pengampunan beramai-ramai ke dalam hutan melalui kapal terbang. Tawarannya berbunyi: "Kalau kamu menyerah diri, keluar dari hutan, kamu tidak akan dihukum kerana kesalahan yang kamu lakukan berhubung darurat."

Pada September 1955, sepucuk surat dihantar oleh Parti Komunis Malaya dan ditandatangani oleh Ng Heng dari Kampung Kelian Intan, Keroh di Perak. Surat itu menyatakan tawaran rundingan kepada Ketua Menteri Persekutuan Tanah Melayu, Tunku Abdul Rahman. Ng Heng sebenarnya ialah nama samaran Chin Peng.

Rundingan

Dari kiri Rashid Maidin, Chin Peng dan Chen Tien pada sesi rundingan di Baling pada tahun 1955

Pertemuan awal dibuat di antara kerajaan yang diwakili Timbalan Menteri Pelajaran Too Joon Hing dan Timbalan Pesuruhjaya Polis Tanah Melayu Ian C Wylie, manakala PKM oleh Chen Tien. Tiga rundingan awal berlangsung di Kampung Kelian Indan sehingga bulan November 1955.

Proses rundingan di antara Kerajaan Perikatan dengan PKM kemudian berlangsung selama dua hari pada 28 & 29 Disember di Baling, Kedah. Chin Peng berjanji meletakkan senjata jika PKM diiktiraf dan kebebasan mereka tidak disekat. Tunku bagaimanapun menegaskan PKM harus menyerah kalah.

Tawaran Chin Peng juga tidak dihiraukan oleh Kerajaan Perikatan kerana PKM sudah lemah. Lagipun kerajaan dengan bantuan tentera negara-negara Komanwel hampir melumpuhkan pemberontakan bersenjata komunis di dalam hutan. Rundingan dengan komunis yang mahu PKM diiktiraf sebagai sebuah parti bebas tentulah tidak wajar.

Tiada kata sepakat dicapai selepas rundingan kerana PKM enggan menerima pelan damai kerajaan dan meneruskan gerakan bersenjata. Tunku telah menarik balik tawaran pengampunan pada bulan Februari 1956.

Kesan

Proses rundingan di Baling itu boleh dianggap sebagai antara usaha terakhir Kerajaan Perikatan menyakinkan pihak British bahawa rakyat tempatan layak memerintah dan bersedia untuk menuntut kemerdekaan. Selepas beberapa hari pertemuan bersejarah itu berlangsung, Tunku terus berangkat ke London untuk meneruskan rundingan kemerdekaan dengan British.

Setiausaha Antarabangsa DAP dan Ketua Bureau NGO, Ronnie Liu Tian Khiew dalam laman web DAP pada 5 Ogos 2005, mendakwa bahawa Chin Peng adalah salah satu faktor memaksa pihak British memberikan kemerdekaan kepada Malaysia. Tetapi ada pihak yang berpendapat bahawa cadangan Liu itu adalah kurang tepat kerana Parti Komunis Malaya sudahpun lemah dan terpaksa memohon perundingan dilakukan pada 1955. Malah, pihak kerajaan yang mengetahui kelemahan Parti Komunis Malaya menolak permintaan langsung Parti Komunis Malaya agar dibenarkan bergerak sebagai sebuah parti politik.

Selain itu, sekiranya Parti Komunis Malaya memberi tekanan kepada pihak British, sudah pasti pihak British tidak akan melepaskan Tanah Melayu untuk merdeka kerana sekiranya Tanah Melayu jatuh ketangan komunis, ini akan menjejaskan bekalan bahan mentah yang amat diperlukan British bagi membangunkan semula industri mereka selepas Perang Dunia II.

1 MALAYSIA

2010-03-16T23:23:00.000-07:00

1Malaysia diwujudkan dengan tujuan untuk menyediakan satu forum yang bebas dan terbuka bagi membincangkan tentang perkara yang benar-benar dekat di hati kita sebagai satu bangsa. Ia menyediakan peluang untuk meluahkan dan menerokai kepelbagaian perspektif masyarakat kita. Apa yang menjadikan Malaysia unik adalah kepelbagaian rakyat kita. Matlamat 1Malaysia adalah untuk mengekalkan dan meningkatkan perpaduan di dalam kepelbagaian ini yang selama ini menjadi kekuatan kita dan akan kekal sebagai bekalan terbaik kita untuk masa hadapan. Saya berharap agar laman web ini akan menjadi permulaan kepada satu dialog yang penting dan terbuka bagi menerokai identiti, tujuan dan hala tuju kita sebagai rakyat Malaysia. Saya menggalakkan setiap orang daripada anda menyertai saya dalam memberikan takrifan kepada Malaysia kita dan peranan yang perlu kita mainkan untuk masa hadapannya. Setiap kita – di sebalik segala perbezaan kita – berkongsi impian untuk satu masa hadapan yang lebih baik. Setiap kita mahukan peluang, dihormati, persahabatan dan saling memahami

2009-09-17T00:46:00.000-07:00

Peta Daerah Baling

Politik Daerah Baling

2009-09-17T00:25:00.000-07:00

Pada Pilihan raya ke-12 (2008), Parlimen Baling telah dimenangi oleh Pas. Tiga DUN iaitu Bayu (dimenangi oleh BN), Kupang (dimenangi Pas) dan DUN Kuala Ketil (dimenangi PAS).

Aktiviti Sosial Dan Agama Daerah Baling

2009-09-17T00:17:00.000-07:00

Komposisi penduduk Daerah Baling terdiri dari Melayu (lebih 85%), Cina, India, Thai dan lain-lain. Terdapat 64 buah masjid, 5 buah rumah berhala Buddha, 4 buah kuil Hindu serta sebuah gereja.

Aktiviti Ekonomi Daerah Baling

2009-09-17T00:14:00.000-07:00

Sumber utama pendapatan penduduk di daerah Baling ialah pertanian, perniagaan,bekerja dengan kerajaan dan swasta serta pekerjaan berasaskan kemahiran seperti pertukangan dan vokasional. Kuala Ketil merupakan pekan yang berkembang pesat aktiviti ekonominya di daerah ini. Ini disebabkan Kuala Ketil berada dalam kawasan segitiga perindustrian iaitu Kulim-Sungai Petani-Kuala Ketil. Kuala Ketil berada pada kedudukan 10 km dari Sungai Petani dan 42km dari Butterworth Pulau Pinang. Terdapat sebuah pekan kecil, iaitu Parit Panjang yang mempunyai lebih 55 premis perniagaan.Uniknya kesemua peniaga adalah kaum bumiputra melayu,sesuatu yang unik di Malaysia.Kebiasaannya perniagaan di pekan dan bandar dikuasai oleh peniaga berketurunan cina.

Mukim-mukim Daerah Baling

2009-09-17T00:12:00.000-07:00

Terdapat 7 mukim di daerah Baling iaitu Mukim Siong, Mukim Baling/Bongor, Mukim Pulai, Mukim Kupang, Mukim Tawar, Mukim Teloi Kanan dan Mukim Bakai. Terdapat 183 kampung, serta berpuluh taman perumahan di daerah ini. Bandar atau pekan yang berada di daerah Baling ialah Bandar Baling, Malau, Kampong Lalang, Kota Baling Jaya, Kupang, Tawar, Kuala Pegang, Parit Panjang dan Kuala Ketil.Satu-satunya tanah rancangan Felda yang wujud di daerah ini ialah Felda Teloi Kanan.Peneroka di felda ini seramai 263 orang.

Sejarah Baling

2009-09-17T00:05:00.000-07:00

Baling sebuah daerah yang terkenal dengan pelbagai susur galur sejarah yang juga mewarnai sejarah tanah air. Baling merupakan tempat di mana Parti Komunis Malaya, Kerajaan Malaysia, dan British berjumpa pada tahun 1955 untuk menamatkan Darurat. Tunku Abdul Rahman, yang ketika itu merupakan ketua kerajaan, memujuk ajar komunis menyerah secara aman dan berjanji tiada tindakan keras akan diambil terhadap mereka. Tetapi, Chin Peng yang merupakan ketua Parti Komunis Malaya mendesak agar kerajaan dan pihak British mengiktiraf PKM sebagai parti komunis yang sah supaya ia boleh mengambil bahagian dalam pilihan raya di Malaysia. Permintaan ini ditolak dan menyebabkan tiada perjanjian dicapai

Asal Usul Nama Baling

2009-09-17T00:03:00.000-07:00

Nama Baling dipercayai berasal daripada peristiwa Raja Bersiong seperti yang tercatat dalam Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa. Raja Ong Maha Perita Deria atau lebih dikenali sebagai Raja Bersiung, merupakan raja keempat daripada keturunan Merong Maha Wangsa yang gemar memakan sayur bayam dengan kuah darah manusia. Kelakuan baginda ini dibenci oleh rakyat dan menyebabkan baginda melarikan diri dari istananya yang berpusat di Lembah Bujang. Ketika dalam kepungan menteri dan rakyat, baginda terpaksa berhenti beberapa kali kerana menderita sakit gigi siongnya. Baginda dikatakan telah memulas keluar kedua-dua siongnya di suatu tempat dan membaling gigi siongnya jauh ke tempat yang kini dikenali sebagai Baling.

Dalam cerita lain, nama Baling dikaitkan dengan orang Siam (Thai) dan orang Burma (Myanmar) yang datang ke daerah itu kira-kira 200 tahun dahulu. Mereka datang ke Baling kerana ingin memulakan penghidupan baru. Setelah merentasi pelbagai jenis rintangan mereka sampai ke Baling dan membuat keputusan untuk membuka kawasan hutan di situ. Mereka begotong-royong menebang hutan dan belukar untuk memulakan penempatan baru. Mereka bercucuk tanam, berniaga dan membawa sampan penambang untuk menyara hidup. Ada juga di kalangan mereka yang mencari kayu di hutan dengan menggunakan gajah. Sungai Ketil yang pada masa itu dalam dan luas, menjadi alat perhubungan utama penduduk tempatan. Sungai itu juga kaya dengan ikan. Sampan-sampan dari Kota Kuala Muda yang sarat dengan barang-barang dagang banyak yang berlabuh di tempat itu. Pangkalan di kawasan penempatan baru itu juga dijadikan tempat memunggah candu mentah yang dibawa dari Burma untuk dijual di Kota Kuala Muda.

Bagi penduduk yang bertani, tanaman mereka sangat berhasil. Mereka gembira melihat sayur-sayuran dan buah-buahan yang begitu menjadi. Akan tetapi. Kegembiraan mereka tidak kekal lama. Buah-buahan mereka seperti langsat, rambutan dan durian diserang oleh beribu-ribu kera yang dikatakan datang dari hutan Gunung Baling. Binatang-binatang itu bebas memakan dan memusnahkan buah-buahan mereka. Setelah habis musim buah-buahan, binatang-binatang itu balik ke hutan Gunung Baling. Oleh sebab kaum pendatang itu tidak pernah melihat kera yang begitu banyak mereka menamakan kampung mereka "Ban-Lin" yang bererti "kera". Lama-kelamaan perkataan Ban-Lin bertukar menjadi "Baling".

Sejarah Daerah Baling, Kedah

2009-09-17T00:01:00.000-07:00

Baling merupakan salah satu daripada jajahan dalam negeri Kedah Darul Aman, Malaysia. Kawasan Parlimen Baling di negeri Kedah Darul Aman, negara Malaysia. Negeri Kedah terletak di utara Semenanjung Malaysia.

Baling terkenal dengan air terjunnya, seperti Lata Bayu dan Bukit Hijau; serta buah-buahan tempatannya, seperti durian dan langsat.

Selain itu, Baling juga terkenal dengan perkampungan asli yang terletak di Mukim Siong, di mana terletaknya kolam air panas yang dipanggil Kolam Air Panas Legong. Ada 3 kolam air panas yang berbeza suhu.

Di pinggir pekan Baling terdapat gunung batu yang dikenali dengan nama Gunung Baling. Di sebelah belakang gunung itu terdapat beberapa buah kampung. Antara kampung-kampung itu adalah Kampung Padang Cik Mas, Kampung Sekolah, Kampung Seberang, Kampung Charok Bakong dan Kampung Becah Tok Bulan.

IKHTIAR HIDUP

2009-06-08T22:02:00.000-07:00

PENGENALAN

1. Ikhtiar Hidup bukan hanya berusaha untuk terus hidup sahaja, namun berusaha untuk keluar dari keadaan tersebut. Di dalam menjalankan aktiviti pengembaraan di hutan sekiranya tersesat ilmu iktiar hidup adalah perlu digunakan.
2. Ilmu ikhtar hidup perlu dipelajari disebabkan perkara-perkara berikut:-
a. Sesat di dalam hutan atau terpisah dari kumpulan.
b. Rintangan cuaca yang tidak mengizinkan pulang mengikut jadual.
c. Terselamat dalam nahas udara atau laut.
3. Kawasan hutan tropika adalah kawasan yang senang untuk ikhtiar hidup. Latihan untuk berikhtiar hidup akan memberi pendedahan, pengetahuan dan keyakinan untuk kita mengatasi keadaan berikhtiar hidup jika keadaan memerlukan berbuat demikian.
4. Dalam kontak Pendidikan Ikhtiar Hidup deertikan sebagai usaha yang harus dilakukan oleh seseorang supaya boleh terus hidup ketika menghadapi sesuatu ancaman atau masalah kehabisan bekalan makanan.

DIFINISI
Berikhtiar hidup adalah kemampuan seseorang atau kumpulan mengatasi sesuatu keadaan ikhtiar hidup di dalam atau luar kawasan musuh.

OBJRKTIF
Kognitif
· Memperolehi pengetahuan tentang asas-asas untuk ikhtiar hidup semasa di laut, di hutan, di bukit, di gunung-ganang atau sebagainya.
· Memperolehi pengetahuan melalui alam semulajadi untuk mencari sumber makanan, tempat perlindungan dan punca-punca air.
· Mempelajari pengetahuan asas dan langkah-langkah keselamatan semasa menjalani ikhtiar hidup.

Psikomotor
· Dapat membina tempat perlindungan rekaganti untuk mengelakkan dqari bahaya.
· Mencari dan menggunakan sumber alam semulajadi sebagai sumber makanan untuk terus hidup.
· Dapat bertindak dengan cepat dan tepat apabila menghadapi sesuatu situasi yang kurang baik.

Afektif
· Membina keyakinan diri untuk terus hidup.
· Memupuk nilai-nilai murni seperti berkerjasama dan bertanggung jawab.
· Memperkembangkan minat terhadap alam semulajadi dan adapt menimati keindahannya.

TEKANAN KEADAAN IKHTIAR HIDUP
Dalam keadaan ikhtiar hidup, beberapa tekanan akan dihadapi oleh seseorang atau kumpulan. Tekanan-tekanan ini jika tidak diatasi boleh melemahkan semangat mereka untuk terus berusaha untuk hidup dan keluar dari keadaan tersebut. Tekanan-tekanan yang perlu diatasi ialah:-
a. Kelaparan
b. Kehausan
c. Kesakitan
d. Kesejukan dan kepanasan
e. Keletihan
f. Kesepian dan ketakutan

PERATURAN ASAS IKHTIAR HIDUP
Faktor paling penting dalam sesuatu keadaan ikhtiar hidup adalah kemahuan seseorang untuk terus berusaha untuk hidup dan keluar dari keadaan tersebut. Tanpa kemahuan dan sikap yang positif serta ketahanan mental yang tinggi, adalah mustahil untuk mereka mengatasi keadaan tersebut. Dalam usaha untuk mengatasi keadaan ini, peraturan-peratusan asas berikut perlu dipatuhi:-
1. Jimatkan tenaga. Kekurangan makanan atau makanan yang kurang berkhasiat, kekurangan air minuman serta keadaan medan dan cuaca akan melemahkan tenaga kita pada kadar yang cepat. Dalam keadaan demikian kita hendaklah berhati-hari dalam setiap kegiatan kita supaya kita tidak menggunakan tenaga yang keterlaluan. Perkara-perkara berikut perlu diberi perhatian dalam usaha menjimatkan tenaga.
a. Pergerakkan dari satu tempat ke tempat yang lain hendaklah dirancang terlebih dahulu supaya kawasan-kawasan yang paling senang dilalui digunakan. Semasa berjalan, perlu berhenti untuk berehat setiap jam perjalanan.
b. Elakkan bergerak pada waktu malam, jika keadaan mengizinkan. Jika perlu bergerak pada waktu malam pilih jalan-jalan yang selamat dan senang untuk dilalui.
c. Elakkan dari melakukan kerja-kerja yang tidak penting dan bekerja pada waktu malam.
2. Dapatkan Rehat Yang Cukup. Tenaga manusia akan pulih melalui rehat dan tidur yang cukup. Tempat perlindungan yang terlindung dari cuaca panas atau sejuk, hujan serta binatang buas dan serangga perlu di adakan.
3. Jangan Bersusahan. Elakkan dari memikirkan perkara-perkara yang tidak ada kaitan dengan usaha untuk mengatasi satu keadaan ikhtiar hidup. Perkara-perkara ini mungkin kan melemahkan semangat atau mengganggu konsentrasi kita dalam menghadapi keadaan tersebut.
4. Alat-alat Ikhtiar Hidup. Sebagai persiapan untuk menghadapi sebarang ikhtiar hidup khususunya semasa pengembaraan seseorang itu perlu mengambil persiapan seperti di bawah:-
a. Perubatan:-
i. Panadol unuk sakit kepala, deman dan lain-lain.
ii. Lomotil untuk cirit birit
iii. Cadusil untuk radang perut.
iv. Antibiotik
v. Ubat gatal
vi. Plaster, pembalut dan ubat luka.
b. Makanan. Jenis makanan yang berkhasiat adalah seperti berikut:-
i. Bungkusan horlick (gandum) atau milo.
ii. Bungkusan glukus
iii. Bungkusan gula
iv. Bungkusan garam
v. Pil-pil vitamin

TUMBUH-TUMBUHAN HUTAN
Dalam hutan tropika banyak tumbuhan yang boleh di makan. Tumbuhan ini kebanyakkannya tumbuh dikawasan yang rendah dan lembab. Kebanyakkan tumbuh-tumbuhan hutan tidak enak rasanya tetapi dalam sesuatu keadaan ikhtiar hidup, tumbuhan ini merupakan bahan makanan yang utama untuk kita mengatasi kelaparan.

UJIAN TUMBUH-TUMBUHAN
Kebanyakkan dari kita tidak pasti adakah sesuatu tumbuhan itu boleh dimakan tau tidak. Sebelum kita makan sesuatu tumbuhan yang tidak dikenali, ujian-ujian perlu dijalankan untuk memastikan adakah tumbuhan itu boleh dimakan atau beracun. Peringkat-peringkat ujian adalah seperti berikut:-

1. Menghidu. Hancurkan sebahagian dari tumbuhan yang hendak dimakan dan hidu. Jika tumbuahan itu berbau luar biasa kemungkinan ia tidak boleh di makan. Walau bagaimana pun tidak semestinya semua tumbuhan yang berbau tidak boleh di makan. Elakkan tumbuhan yang mengeluarkan getah yang banyak.
2. Gatal-Gatal Kulit. Gosak bahagian tumbuhan yang telah dihancurkan pada bahagian kulit yang sensetif. Jika terjadi kesan-kesan merah atau gatal-gatal pada bahagian kulit, bermakna tumbuhantersebut tidak boleh dimakan.
3. Bibir, Lidah dan Mulut. Gosok bahagian tumbuhan yang telah dihancurkan pada bibir dan mulut. Jika tidak merasa gatal-gatal selama 2 minit, gosok bahagian tumbuhan itu pada bahagian hujung lidah. Jika tidak merasa gatal-gatal atau mual masukkan bahagian tumbuhantersebut dan kunyah. Semasa mengunyah perhatikan reaksi berikut yang menunjukkan bahawa tumbuhan itu tidak boleh dimakan.
a. rasa kelat dan sepat
b. rasa loya
c. rasa gatal-gatal dedaun mulut.
4. Menelan Sedikit. Jika tiada sebarang reaksi negetif dari ujian peringkat pertama hingga peringkat ke tiga, kita menelan sebahagian kecil tumbuhan yang telah diuji dan tunggu selama 2 jam untuk memastikan makanan tersebut boleh dimakan. Tumbuhan itu tidak boleh dimakan jika terdapat reaksi berikut:-
a. rasa mual
b. sakit perut
c. demam dan sakit sendi tulang
5. Makan sedikit. Jika tidak ada reaksi kesan keracunan semasa ujian peringkat 1, kita boleh teruskan memakan sebahagian kecil tumbuhan yang telah diuji. Jika tidak ada sebarang reaksi selepas menunggu 2 jam bermakna bahagian tumbuhan itu boleh dimakan.

PERATURAN MELAKSANAKAN UJIAN.
Semasa menguji tumbuhan-tumbuhan perkara-perkara berikut mesti dipatuhi:-
1. Jangan memendekkan ujian.
2. Kalau rasa ragu-ragu jangan makan.
3. Buah-buahan hutan yang dimakan oleh binatang boleh dimakan.
4. Tidak semestinya kalau burung makan kita boleh makan.
5. Tentukan tumbuh-tumbuhan yang sama banyak disekelilingnya.
6. Tidak semestinya satu pokok semua boleh makan.
7. Buah yang manis tidak semestinya semua boleh makan.
8. Buah yang masam semuanya boleh makan.

TINDAKAN JIKA TERMAKAN TUMBUHAN YANG BERACUN
Dalam keadaan ikhtiar hidup, jika kita termakan tumbuhan yang beracun tindakan kecemasan adalah seperti berikut:-
1. Muntuhkan tumbuhan tersebut dengan cepat.
2. Minum air bersih yang telah dimasak.
3. Makan sedikit arang kayu untuk mengeluarkan keracunan dalam badan.
4. Dapat bantuan perubatan dengan segera.

TEMPAT PERLINDUNGAN
Dalam sesuatu ikhtiar hidup tempat perlindungan adalah penting untuk melindungi kita dari kepanasan matahari, hujan dan kesejukan. Tempat perlindungan memberi peluang kepada kita untuk tidur dan rehat. Tanpa peralatan untuk membuat tempat perlindungan seperti ponco, khemah, kita boleh improvisasi tempat perlindungan dengan menggunakan sumber-sumber hutan yang sedia ada.

MEMBINA TEMPAT PERLINDUNGAN
Sebelum kita membina tempat perlindungan perkara-perkara berikut perlu dipertimbangkan.
1 Bahan-bahan yang digunakan seperti kayu, tali dan daun utuk membuat atap senang didapati dikawasan tersebut.
2 Selamat dari binatang-binatang liar dan serangga-serangga yang memberhaya.
3 Selamat dari bencana alam seperti tanah runtuh, banjir dan pokok-pokok yang mati.
4 Berhampiran dengan sumber air dan makanan supaya senang didapati.
5 Selesa untuk kita tidur dan rehat bagi jangka masa yang dirancangkan.

JENIS-JENIS TEMPAT PERLINDUNGAN
Beberapa jenis tempat perlindungan atau pondok hutan boleh dibina dengan menggunakan bahan-bahan hutan yang sedia ada diesuatu kawasan.
1. Pondok Sementara. Pondok ini merupakan jenis perlindungan yang paling senang dibina dan untuk kegunaan jangka masa yang pendek. Pondok mesti dibina di atas tanah yang rata dan kering.
2. Pondok Jangka Panjang. Pondok ini dibina jika ingin berkhemah untuk jangka waktu yang lama atau keadaan tanahnya sentiasa lembab dan tidak rata.

3. Pondok dalam kawasan Rawang. Pondok ini dibina jika keadaan berkehendakan kita berlindung dalam kawasan rawang (berpaya). Tempat perlindungan yang dibina hendaklah selamat dari air pasang.
BAHAN-BAHAN PEMBINAAN.
1. Atap . salah satu bahagian tempat perlindungan yang penting adalah atap. Dalam hutan atap boleh diperolehi dari pokok-pokok berikut:-
a. Daun palas gajah dan palas biasa.
b. Daun rumbia atau nipah.
c. Daun bertam
d. Daun pokok kabung dan enau.
e. Daun mengkuang.
f. Buluh dan kulit kayu
g. Daun-daun lain atau bahan-bahan yang sesuai.

2. Tiang dan Alang. Bagi mengukuhkan struktur binaan pondok. Kayu-kayu yang terdapat di dalam hutan boleh dijadikan tiang dan alang. Kayu-kayu tersebut hendaklah dari saiz yang bersesuaian supaya dapat menampung berat badan dan tahan untuk jangka masa yang diperlukan. Jenis-jenis kayu yang beracun seperti rengas hendaklah dielakkan. Rangka kayu hendaklah sesuai dengan bahan-bahan untuk membuat atap.
3. Tali. Tali-tali digunakan untuk mengikat dan memperkukuhkan tiang-tiang, alang dan atap. Tali-tali yang digunakan boleh diperolehi dari kulit kayu, roran dan akar-akar yang boleh diperolehi dari hutan.

MagMyPic

2009-05-24T01:39:00.001-07:00

Create Fake Magazine Covers with your own picture at MagMyPic.com

What is Amateur Radio?

2009-05-18T23:49:00.001-07:00

Amateur Radio is a radio service that anyone can get involved with. Amateur radio is also known as" Ham" radio, which you may have heard of it at one time or another. No one knows for sure why amateur radio operators are called hams, the original meaning has been lost over the years. Many theories exists as to the meaning of "ham", but nothing concrete. Amateur radio operators have been around since the beginning of radio, but the Amateur Radio Service did not come along until the advent of a licensing body.
During the beginning of radio, around the turn of the century, many basement experimenters built radio transmitters and receivers. These were called Spark Gap transmitters. They occupied a very wide bandwidth when transmitting. These stations would interfere with ship to shore communications on several occasions with their wide bandwidth transmissions. After years of complaints from these ship to shore stations, and among other concerns, it was decided that this new technology needed a structure and regulation. Hence the US FCC (Federal Communications Commission) was born, it was called something else at that time. Band segments were set aside for each specific service that was created and the "amateurs" enjoyed their own segments of the radio spectrum. Extending up into the HF, VHF and UHF bands, which at that time were considered "worthless”! Hams enjoy worldwide communications daily using homemade as well as commercially built equipment. Amateurs do not broadcast their transmissions, they have two-way communications with other amateurs. In fact, it is illegal for amateurs to broadcast information for the general public on the amateur radio bands or communicate with non-amateurs. Every amateur radio station has a call sign and in Malaysia the amateur radio license is issued by the Suruhanjaya Multimedia dan Komunikasi or Malaysian Communication and Multimedia Commission (MCMC). Other countries have their own licensing body, and just about every country in the world has an amateur radio service. Internationally, the requirements for obtaining a license are similar. A ham in China is required to take a test similar to that of a ham in the USA or any other country, although the licensing structure may vary with regards to license classes. All amateurs are restricted to the same bands or frequencies depending on his or her class of license. Just like all air traffic is controlled on the same frequencies around the world. It would be very difficult if you didn't know where to look for other amateurs!

Amateurs provide emergency communications when disaster strikes around the world. Floods, earthquakes, fires, tornadoes etc. have all called the active ham into public service. Providing emergency communications when ordinary communications are out of service. Thereby making the amateur radio service a vital source for communications when needed. Many lives have been saved over the years because of amateur radio, vital life saving information has been passed through amateur radio stations. It is a hobby and no monetary gains can be made from the use of amateur radio, which is strictly prohibited. Amateur radio is not CB radio. Citizens Band, or CB, is a completely different service altogether . One of the goals of amateur radio is to spread “international goodwill " around the world amongst other hams, it is kind of like a brotherhood of sorts. Countless friendships have grown through the means of amateur radio. Hams on one coast become friends with hams on the other, people that otherwise would have never known about each other have met while enjoying their hobby. Sure, there are times when someone will do or say something on the air that invokes an argument or rude behavior. But like any aspect of the human society, we learn to deal with it and make amends. For the most part, hams are ladies and gentlemen, and respect the wishes of others. Most hams will welcome you into their "roundtable" at anytime, provided you follow good operating practices. Many are very willing and eager to help a beginner with his or her station operation or getting licensed.

Have you recently received your amateur radio operators license and don't know what to do with it? Why not check out your local radio club and find an "Elmer”? Don't know what an "elmer" is? Then keep reading. Questions have been asked on some "insiders" information as to what some of the lingo which you hear on the bands means. So hopefully answers to some of your questions can be found here and clear up some of the "mysterious" words and phrases you will encounter while tuning to the ham frequencies. Most phrases and "codes" come from communicating via morse code. It is much faster to send a series of code letters or numbers than it is to spell each word out one at a time. Therefore, a group of codes was derived to make it easier on the Morse operator during his/her sending. I will not list them all as most are not relevant to your operating practices, but will list the most common ones heard on the bands today.

The meanings carry over to phone (SSB, AM, FM) as well as the digital modes . Try to refrain from using the "Q" codes on phone unless the band conditions are really poor. Why? Because if you are communicating with someone else who speaks your same language (which is most likely) there is no need to use codes as they will better understand you if you speak plain English (or whatever language you are speaking!).

An "elmer" is a kindly ham who helps newcomers get started in amateur radio. Many are happy to invite you into their "shacks" for a demonstration as to how an amateur radio station operates. Others enjoy helping with the testing procedures, and getting a station set up and on the air. Many Elmers can be found at your local ham radio club, contact the Malaysian Amateur Radio Transmitters' Society (MARTS) for information on any clubs you may have in your area.

Band plans and frequency allocations

2009-05-18T23:47:00.000-07:00

Main article: Amateur radio frequency allocations
The International Telecommunication Union (ITU) governs the allocation of communications frequencies worldwide, with participation by each nation's communications regulation authority. National communications regulators have some liberty to restrict access to these frequencies or to award additional allocations as long as radio services in other countries do not suffer interference. In some countries, specific emission types are restricted to certain parts of the radio spectrum, and in most other countries, International Amateur Radio Union (IARU) member societies adopt voluntary plans to ensure the most effective use of spectrum.

In a few cases, a national telecommunication agency may also allow hams to use frequencies outside of the internationally allocated amateur radio bands. In Trinidad and Tobago, hams are allowed to use a repeater which is located on 148.800 MHz. This repeater is used and maintained by the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), but may be used by radio amateurs in times of emergency or during normal times to test their capability and conduct emergency drills. This repeater can also be used by non-ham NEMA staff and REACT members. In Australia and New Zealand ham operators are authorized to use one of the UHF TV channels. In the U.S., in cases of emergency, amateur radio operators may use any frequency including those of other radio services such as police and fire communications and the Alaska statewide emergency frequency of 5167.5 kHz.

Similarly, amateurs in the United States may apply to be registered with the Military Affiliate Radio System (MARS). Once approved and trained, these amateurs also operate on US Government Military frequencies to provide contingency communications and morale message traffic support to the military services.

Privileges

2009-05-18T23:46:00.000-07:00

Unlike other RF spectrum users, radio amateurs may build or modify transmitting equipment for their own use within the amateur spectrum without the need to obtain government certification of the equipment.[23][24] Licensed amateurs can also use any frequency in their bands (rather than being allocated fixed frequencies or channels) and can operate medium to high-powered equipment on a wide range of frequencies[25] so long as they meet certain technical parameters including occupied bandwidth, power, and maintenance of spurious emission.

As noted, radio amateurs have access to frequency allocations throughout the RF spectrum, enabling choice of frequency to enable effective communication whether across a city, a region, a country, a continent or the whole world regardless of season or time day or night. The shortwave bands, or HF, can allow worldwide communication, the VHF and UHF bands offer excellent regional communication, and the broad microwave bands have enough space, or bandwidth, for television (known as SSTV and FSTV) transmissions and high-speed data networks.

The international symbol for amateur radio, included in the logos of many IARU member societies. The diamond holds a circuit diagram featuring components common to every radio: an antenna, inductor and ground.Although allowable power levels are moderate by commercial standards, they are sufficient to enable global communication. Power limits vary from country to country and between license classes within a country. For example, the power limits for the highest available license classes in a few selected countries are: 2.25 kW in Canada, was 2 kW in the former Yugoslavia, 1.5 kW in the United States, 1 kW in Belgium and Switzerland, 750 W in Germany, 500 W in Italy, 400 W in Australia, India and the United Kingdom, and 150 W in Oman. Lower license classes usually have lower power limits; for example, the lowest license class in the UK has a limit of just 10 W. Amateur radio operators are encouraged both by regulations and tradition of respectful use of the spectrum to use as little power as possible to accomplish the communication[26].

When traveling abroad, visiting amateur operators must follow the rules of the country in which they wish to operate. Some countries have reciprocal international operating agreements allowing hams from other countries to operate within their borders with just their home country license. Other host countries require that the visiting ham apply for a formal permit, or even a new host country-issued license, in advance.

Many jurisdictions issue specialty vehicle registration plates to amateur radio operators who provide proof of an amateur radio license.[27][28] The fees for application and renewal are usually less than standard plates.[27][29]

Amateur Radio License

2009-05-18T23:28:00.000-07:00

In all countries, amateur radio operators are required to pass a licensing exam displaying knowledge and understanding of key concepts[18]. In response, hams are granted operating privileges in larger segments of the radio frequency spectrum using a wide variety of communication techniques with higher power levels permitted. This practice is in contrast to unlicensed personal radio services such as CB radio, Multi-Use Radio Service, or Family Radio Service/PMR446 that require type-approved equipment restricted in frequency range and power.
In many countries, amateur licensing is a routine civil administrative matter. Amateurs are required to pass an examination to demonstrate technical knowledge, operating competence and awareness of legal and regulatory requirements in order to avoid interference with other amateurs and other radio services. There are often a series of exams available, each progressively more challenging and granting more privileges in terms of frequency availability, power output, permitted experimentation, and in some countries, distinctive callsigns. Some countries such as the United Kingdom and Australia have begun requiring a practical training course in addition to the written exams in order to obtain a beginner's license, called a Foundation License.
Amateur radio licensing in the United States serves as an example of the way some countries award different levels of amateur radio licenses based on technical knowledge. Three sequential levels of licensing exams (Technician Class, General Class and Amateur Extra Class) are currently offered, which allow operators who pass them access to larger portions of the Amateur Radio spectrum and more desirable callsigns.

Newcomers
Many people start their involvement in amateur radio by finding a local club. Clubs often provide information about licensing, local operating practices and technical advice. Newcomers also often study independently by purchasing books or other materials, sometimes with the help of a mentor, teacher or friend. Established amateurs who help newcomers are often referred to as "Elmers" within the ham community.[19][20] In addition, many countries have national amateur radio societies which encourage newcomers and work with government communications regulation authorities for the benefit of all radio amateurs. The oldest of these societies is the Wireless Institute of Australia, formed in 1910; other notable societies are the Radio Society of Great Britain, the American Radio Relay League, Radio Amateurs of Canada, the New Zealand Association of Radio Transmitters and South African Radio League. (See Category:Amateur radio organizations)

Callsigns
Upon licensing, a radio amateur's national government issues a unique callsign to the radio amateur. The holder of a callsign uses it on the air to legally identify the operator or station during any and all radio communication.[21] In certain jurisdictions, an operator may also select a "vanity" callsign although these must also conform to the issuing government's allocation and structure used for Amateur Radio callsigns.[22] Some jurisdictions, such as the U.S., require that a fee be paid to obtain such a vanity callsign; in others, such as the UK, a fee is not required and the vanity callsign may be selected when the license is applied for.
Callsign structure as prescribed by the ITU, consists of three parts which break down as follows, using the callsign ZS1NAT as an example:
ZS – Shows the country from which the callsign originates and may also indicate the license class. (This callsign is licensed in South Africa, and is CEPT Class 1).
1 – Gives the subdivision of the country or territory indicated in the first part (this one refers to the Western Cape).
NAT – The final part is specific to the holder of the license, identifying that person specifically.
Many countries do not follow the ITU convention for the numeral. In the United Kingdom the calls G2xxx, G3xxx, and G6xx may be issued to stations that are geographically right next to each other. In the United States, the numeral indicates the geographical district the holder resided in when the license was issued. Prior to 1978, US hams were required to obtain a new callsign if they moved out of their geographic district.
Also, for smaller entities, a numeral may be part of the country identification. For example, VP2xxx is in the British West Indies (subdivided into VP2Exx Anguilla, VP2Mxx Monserrat, and VP2Vxx British Virgin Islands), VP5xxx is in the Turks and Caicos Islands, VP6xxx is on Pitcairn Island, VP8xxx is in the Falklands, and VP9xxx is in Bermuda.
Anybody can look up who a specific United States callsign belongs to using the FCC's license search database. Information may be available for other jurisdictions on websites such as Callbook.

Activities and practices

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Activities and practices
Specialized Interests and modes
While many hams simply enjoy talking to friends, others pursue a wide variety of specialized interests.
Amateur Radio Direction Finding, also known as "Fox hunting"
Amateur radio emergency communications
Amateur television
Communicating via amateur satellites
Contesting, earning awards, and collecting QSL cards
Designing new antennas
DX communication to far away countries
DX-peditions
Hamfests, club meetings and swap meets
Hand building homebrew amateur radio gear
High speed multimedia and TCP/IP
High Speed Telegraphy
Packet radio
Portable, fixed, mobile and handheld operation
Low-power operation (QRP).
Severe weather spotting
Tracking tactical information using the Automatic Packet Reporting System (APRS), which may integrate with the GPS
Using the Internet Radio Linking Project (IRLP) to connect radio repeaters via the Internet
VHF, UHF and microwave operation on amateur radio high bands
Vintage amateur radios, such as those using vacuum tube technology
Wireless MAN construction
Amateur Radio operators use various modes of transmission to communicate. Voice transmissions are most common, with some, such as frequency modulation (FM) offering high quality audio, and others, such as single sideband (SSB) offering more reliable communications when signals are marginal and bandwidth is restricted.
Radiotelegraphy using Morse code is an activity dating to the earliest days of radio. Technology has moved past the use of telegraphy in nearly all other communications, and a code test is no longer part of most national licensing exams for amateur radio. Many amateur radio operators continue to make use of the mode, particularly on the shortwave bands and for experimental work such as earth-moon-earth communication, with its inherent signal-to-noise ratio advantages. Morse, using internationally agreed code groups, also allows communications between amateurs who speak different languages. It is also popular with homebrewers as CW-only transmitters are simpler to construct. A similar "legacy" mode popular with home constructors is amplitude modulation (AM), pursued by many vintage amateur radio enthusiasts and aficionados of vacuum tube technology.
For many years, demonstrating a proficiency in Morse code was a requirement to obtain amateur licenses for the high frequency bands (frequencies below 30 MHz), but following changes in international regulations in 2003, countries are no longer required to demand proficiency.[8] As an example, the United States Federal Communications Commission phased out this requirement for all license classes on February 23, 2007.[9][10]
Modern personal computers have encouraged the use of digital modes such as radioteletype (RTTY), which previously required cumbersome mechanical equipment.[11] Hams led the development of packet radio, which has employed protocols such as TCP/IP since the 1970s. Specialized digital modes such as PSK31 allow real-time, low-power communications on the shortwave bands. Echolink using Voice over IP technology has enabled amateurs to communicate through local Internet-connected repeaters and radio nodes[12], while IRLP has allowed the linking of repeaters to provide greater coverage area. Automatic link establishment (ALE) has enabled continuous amateur radio networks to operate on the high frequency bands with global coverage. Other modes, such as FSK441 using software such as WSJT, are used for weak signal modes including meteor scatter and moonbounce communications.
Fast scan amateur television has gained popularity as hobbyists adapt inexpensive consumer video electronics like camcorders and video cards in home computers. Because of the wide bandwidth and stable signals required, amateur television is typically found in the 70 cm (420 MHz–450 MHz) frequency range, though there is also limited use on 33 cm (902 MHz–928 MHz), 23 cm (1240 MHz–1300 MHz) and higher. These requirements also effectively limit the signal range to between 20 and 60 miles (30 km–100 km), however, the use of linked repeater systems can allow transmissions across hundreds of miles.[13]
These repeaters, or automated relay stations, are used on VHF and higher frequencies to increase signal range. Repeaters are usually located on top of a mountain, hill or tall building, and allow operators to communicate over hundreds of square miles using a low power hand-held transceiver. Repeaters can also be linked together by use of other amateur radio bands, landline or the Internet.
Communication satellites called OSCARs (Orbiting Satellite Carrying Amateur Radio) can be accessed, some using a hand-held transceiver (HT) with a stock "rubber duck" antenna. Hams also use the moon, the aurora borealis, and the ionized trails of meteors as reflectors of radio waves.[14] Hams are also often able to make contact with the International Space Station (ISS),[15] as many astronauts and cosmonauts are licensed as Amateur Radio Operators.[16]
Amateur radio operators use their amateur radio station to make contacts with individual hams as well as participating in round table discussion groups or "rag chew sessions" on the air. Some join in regularly scheduled on-air meetings with other amateur radio operators, called "Nets" (as in "networks") which are moderated by a station referred to as "Net Control".[17] Nets can allow operators to learn procedures for emergencies, be an informal round table or be topical, covering specific interests shared by a group.

Amator Radio History

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Though its origins can be traced to at least the late 1800s, amateur radio, as practiced today, did not begin until the early 1900s. The first listing of amateur radio stations is contained in the First Annual Official Wireless Blue Book of the Wireless Association of America in 1909.[3] This first radio callbook lists wireless telegraph stations in Canada and the United States, including eighty-nine amateur radio stations. As with radio in general, the birth of amateur radio was strongly associated with various amateur experimenters and hobbyists. Throughout its history, amateur radio enthusiasts have made significant contributions to science, engineering, industry, and social services. Research by amateur radio operators has founded new industries[4], built economies[5], empowered nations[6], and saved lives[7] in times of emergency.

About Ham Radio

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"Ham radio" redirects here. For other uses, see Ham radio (disambiguation).
Amateur radio, often called ham radio, is both a hobby and a service in which participants, called "hams," use various types of radio communications equipment to communicate with other radio amateurs for public service, recreation and self-training.[1]
Amateur radio operators enjoy personal (and often worldwide) wireless communications with each other and are able to support their communities with emergency and disaster communications if necessary, while increasing their personal knowledge of electronics and radio theory. An estimated six million people throughout the world are regularly involved with amateur radio.[2]
The term "amateur" is not a reflection on the skills of the participants, which are often quite advanced; rather, "amateur" indicates that amateur communications are not allowed to be made for commercial or money-making purposes.